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Ideologically divided and disorganized in 1960, the conservative wing of the Republican Party appeared to many to be virtually obsolete. However, over the course of that decade, the Right reinvented itself and gained control of the party. In Turning Right in the Sixties, Mary Brennan describes how conservative Americans from a variety of backgrounds, feeling disfranchised and ignored, joined forces to make their voices heard and by 1968 had gained enough power within the party to play the decisive role in determining the presidential nominee.

Building on Barry Goldwater's short-lived bid for the presidential nomination in 1960, Republican conservatives forged new coalitions, began to organize at the grassroots level, and gained enough support to guarantee Goldwater the nomination in 1964. Brennan argues that Goldwater's loss to Lyndon Johnson in the general election has obscured the more significant fact that conservatives had wrested control of the Republican Party from the moderates who had dominated it for years. The lessons conservatives learned in that campaign, she says, aided them in 1968 and laid the groundwork for Ronald Reagan's presidential victory in 1980. ... Read more

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Today the idea of natural law as the basic ingredient in moral, legal, andpolitical thought presents a challenge not faced for almost two hundred years.On the surface, there would appear to be little room in the contemporaryworld for a widespread belief in natural law. The basic philosophies of theopposition-the rationalism of the philosophes, the utilitarianism of Bentham,the materialism of Marx-appear to have made prior philosophies irrelevant. Yetthese newer philosophies themselves have been overtaken by disillusionmentborn of confl icts between "might" and "right." Many thoughtful people whowere loyal to secular belief have become dissatisfi ed with the lack of normative principles and have turned once more to natural law. This fi rst book-length study of Edmund Burke and his philosophy, originally published in 1958,explores this intellectual giant's relationship to, and belief in, the naturallaw. ... Read more

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Defence issues were of central importance in British politics in the years before World War I, as naval and military policy absorbed the attention of politicians of both parties. This book examines the political debates over defence policy in this era from the perspective of the Conservative party, who were in office from 1899 to 1905 and in opposition from 1905 to 1914. It focuses in particular on the ideas and actions of Arthur James Balfour, leader of the Conservative party from 1902 to 1911. Rhodri Williams assesses how effective the Conservative leadership was in realizing its policy objectives. By explaining the Conservatives' approach to contemporary controversies over conscription and the construction of Dreadnoughts, he highlights the complexity of the problems facing British policymakers in the period after the Boer War when, against a bleak financial background, they sought to rationalize and strengthen the Empire's defences. ... Read more

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Part of the Conservative Leadership Series, Whigs and Whiggism is indispensable for those seeking to understand nineteenth-century British politics and the contributions of one of its most striking, indeed enigmatic, figures to conservative doctrine. ... Read more

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The Magnum Opus of Victorian Conservatism
This collection of Disraeli's early works gives insight into the political issues which abounded in Victorian England, and establish Disraeli's brand of patriotic conservatism grounded in the ancient British constitution and a belief in national greatness through the British Empire. ... Read more

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The analytical portion of Conservative Thinkers provides a succinct but thorough critical overview of conservatisms most representative figures. Viereck begins with chapters defining conservatism itself, its special technical terms, and its changing historical circumstances. The rest deals with its actual thinkers and statesmen. After each main conservative thesis, the anti-conservative rebuttal is summaried, and readers are allowed to theirown conclusions. Every major point is concretely illustrated by an appended cross-reference to a primary source in the second half, a well-chosen anthology of key conservative documents.The result is not uniformity but a gamut: from extreme intolerant reaction to an evolutionary moderate spirit. The former passes imperceptibly into authoritarianism; the latter, into liberalism. ... Read more

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The dominant force in twentieth-century British politics, the Conservative Party has nevertheless been seriously neglected and misunderstood. Conservative Century systematically surveys the history of the Party from the "Khaki" election of 1900 to John Major's victory of 1992 and beyond. Ignoring traditional boundaries between history and political science, and drawing on Conservative Party Archives, each of the authoritative teams of contributors pursues an important theme within three main areas: the Party's composition and structure; its ideas, policies and actions in government; and its public image and sources of support. ... Read more

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An overview of the history, philosophy, organisation, leadership, strategies and policies of the Conservative Party. Written by a strong teams of authors specialising in party politics in general and the Conservatives in particular. ... Read more

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For the better part of 30 years, liberal bias has dominated mainstream media. But author and political journalist Brian Anderson reveals in his new book that the era of liberal dominance is going the way of the dodo bird. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (54)

pretty light fare
Not a lot to this book. Like several other reviewers I was drawn in by the title (not a big fan of the show, but the book sounded interesting). Unfortunately there's only a single chapter on non-PC humor, the rest is just rattling off various examples of liberal media bias. The chapters on conservative bloggers and publishing companies were just painful - "these are the ones I like, these are the ones I don't," in as many words. It's only 160 pages long so there's not much meat on the bone, but save yourselves 20 bucks and check it out from the library if you have to.

Overall - pretty good - funny
I was not sure what to expect on this one. I don't agree completely on the Libertarian viewpoint but it was funny and pulls-no-punches on what is wrong in this PC-nonsense world we live in.
I think there are better books out there - but this was entertaining.
I gave this to a liberal friend of mine to read.
I wonder if I will get it back?

Art

Mostly filler.
Although I bought this book looking to see insight on what the next generation of American conservatives may be, the book overall looses focus and tends to point out the obvious (eg., conservatives look to Fox News and talk radio). I beleive there are maybe two chapters worthy of print in this entire book. However, in midst of the filler here there is a strong point to be made about the changes of how the younger generations today view politics.

Not Perfect - But Insightful and Amusing
South Park Conservatives is a gem of a book; short, to the point, and leaving its reader (so long as you're right of center) with a renewed sense of hope. Starting with the same premise as so many other authors (Bernard Goldberg comes to mind), Anderson lambasts the hopelessly biased media. Rathergate is only one count of many in his indictment.

He is also, fitting for a fellow who is the editor of City Journal, willing to look at the disturbing degree to which modern liberalism is inherently illiberal. These are the people who whole-heartedly buy into Marcuse's doctrine of "liberating tolerance" and Rawls's argument that political debate must only take into account "reasonable" doctrines; both thinkers' constructs obviously have no place for conservatism or conservative principles. Thus liberal attempts to depict Republicans and conservatives as racist, misogynistic and homophobic bigots is part of their own internal effort to throw conservatism out of the bounds of "reasonableness." This is also, of course, a liberalism with a penchant for ironic Orwellianism and double speak, and the unspoken rule that free speech ends if you don't agree with them. See the treatment at Columbia of the Minutemen (or closer to home, the treatment at Duke of David Horowitz). Further this is the group that refuses to see bias in anyone that agrees with them; thus they can justify calling Dan Rather objective while working themselves into a lather over anyone who airs a conservative perspective. By extension, this is why Democrats are making noises about reinstating the "Fairness Doctrine" (itself an Orwellian misnomer) - because only those that disagree with them are biased and in need of balancing.

But whereas this is as far as many go, Anderson rightly points out that things are changing. Quickly. Sure liberals still hold on to the Big 3 (whose viewership is plummeting) and many major newspapers, to say nothing of large swathes of the academe. But technological revolutions have given rise to a new media - talk radio, cable news, the internet - where Republicans are either a major force or effectively dominate. Rush and O'Reilly are the face of this new media. And they're not just disseminating the conservative message like never before, they (and especially the blogs) are holding the mainstream media accountable, calling BS when (often) appropriate, and forcing them to cover stories that would otherwise be ignored as incompatible with the liberal meta-narrative.

He also suggests that times are changing on campuses around the country as conservative principles, journals, College Republicans chapters, etc. are flourishing. He's quick to point out that the faculty, overwhelmingly liberal, still hold the high ground, but that conservatism is no longer invisible on campuses. Some of his interviewees suggest that this is the result of liberal indoctrination, a sort of classroom blowback; universities also act as a sort of ideological forge where faced with liberal nonsense in all its absurd glory, students embrace and refine their conservative principles.

But what Anderson doesn't point out is that these very instruments of conservative campus revival also suggest that liberals are doomed to another generation of failure. The modern Republican revolution - 1994 to the present (?) - has been grounded in ideas, in alternatives to tired Democratic policies (no matter how you frame it, tax and spend is still tax and spend, and cut and run is still cut and run!); the next generation of conservative activists are already getting introduced to that culture of innovation. Their liberal counterparts , in contrast, are too often picketing against some new "injustice" or soaking up the latest drivel of race/gender/class studies - nice if you're seeking a career in navel-gazing, but absolutely insufficient if you're going to shape the future of the nation.

Finally, the title itself points to an entertainment industry that is in places reacting viciously to the PC nonsense and condescension that characterize the Left as a whole and especially its Hollywood incarnation. Leading the charge here is Comedy Central's South Park - not so much conservative as anti-liberal, gleefully destroying liberal idols and mocking liberals such as Al Gore, Rob Reiner, and Michael Moore. Priceless stuff really.

South Park Conservatives isn't an equally intellectual counterpoint to Bloom's Closing of the American Mind; it isn't meant to be. Rather, it chronicles some critical evolutions in the media and suggests that incessant griping about liberalism's chokehold on the MSM is overwrought, that it is in many ways a colossus with clay feet. It's got a message, but it's light enough to be a beach read. Go forth and enjoy.

Surprisingly good--3 1/2 stars....
This book was given to me and almost got sent to the thrift store.I've never watched much South Park and I'm kinda tired of political books.However, just before getting rid of the book, I took a look at the chapter on South Park and got hooked.I had no idea the South Park episodes were full of so much political satire.It always seemed to be a show that made fun of everything, but as this book pointed out--their biggest target is the left-wing.This book is about more than just South Park--other highlights are the chapter on the right-wing blogosphere and conservative comedy. ... Read more

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This text covers the history of the Conservative Party from its formation as an identifiable political entity in 1714 until the late 20th century including the disastrous 1997 election and the confusion in which the party found itself. ... Read more

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Superb discussion of the subject
If you need two books to sum up the history of the British Conservative Party, the ones to get are this one by Ramsden and E.H.H. Green's "The Crisis of Conservatism 1880-1914". Forget about Robert Blake, he's outof date and his work looks increasingly pompous and thin with the passageof time. Ramsden is very astute in his judgements, and if there is onelittle quibble it is with his assessment that Baldwin and Chamberlain weresomehow "good eggs" while Churchill was a "bad egg".This may be true in the very narrow sense of who looked after theConservative Party's interests when the party was in power, but surely whatcounts is who did most for the country and for the free world. NeitherBaldwin nor Chamberlain, nor other deadbeats like Rab Butler, would haverisen to the occasion in 1940. Churchill did. It matters not one jot thatthe Conservative Party's fortunes declined temporarily as a result. ... Read more

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This work examines the attitudes of the Conservative Party towards Jews in Britain, Palestine and elsewhere from 1900-1948. It aims to show how the Conservative Party in the first half of the 20th century regarded both itself and British society on the one hand, and Britain's role on the other. ... Read more

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Political consultant and commentator Patrick Hynes dispels common stereotypes and misapprehensions about the most powerful political constituency in the country while undertaking the most exhaustive effort yet to define what the Religious Right is, what its members believe, and why they are right. ... Read more

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The worst book I've read in many years
Do not waste your time with this book.I had to read it for a social ethics class and I am throwing it away as soon as possible.Hynes defends the Religious Right from a political standpoint - not from a theological or ethical standpoint.He basically wants to defend them because he is a Republican and wants their votes.He does not talk about the actual issues at all.

Molding Christian Hegemony Into Republican Policy
This is not a scholarly take on the ascendancy of the Conservative Christian movement in American politics.It is, as you could divine from the title, a book targeted to that segment of the Conservative Christian community who would agree that America would be a better place, if only...

Hynes' book is slanted significantly towards that audience.If you're a church-going Christian AND have voted Republican, you'll find a great deal that appeals to you.Everyone else?Well, Hynes uses some fairly strong language ("faker," "fraud," "Liberal Theocrat") to construct archetypes of non-Conservative Christian Republicans in order to dismiss their political goals and ideals as anything from disingenuous to downright dangerous.

Through the use of polling data and post-election demographic breakdowns, Hynes makes the case that the Christian hegemony represents the mainstream opinion on nearly all important social issues, and since (he states) the Conservative Christian voting bloc is the "biggest" voting bloc in our country, it is up to Conservative Christians to work through the Republican Party to defeat the non-mainstream, "marginal," or "fringe" policies being advocated by those who don't.

Since this is not a serious, scholarly dissection of the Conservative Christian movement, it goes to follow that a self-professed "liberal" reading this book would find some of Hynes' tactics - such as constructing straw men and engaging in the demogoguery of Hollywood and Bill Clinton - to be the sort of easy and cheap arguments more at home in a right-wing blog than in a Poli Sci textbook.If, however, you find yourself of the opinion that the political policies of the "Democrat Party" (sic) are a danger to the moral fiber of American life, you might find a great deal in this book with which you agree.

Clear confirmation of how 'right' the Religious Right is
Patrick Hynes sent me his book to read and review. No other compensation was offered or received.

Pat presents us with clear, accurate analysis of political behavior by those called 'the Religious Right'. As a non-practicing but informed Catholic who is politically to the right of Attilla the Hun, I expected more along the lines of 'Here's why southern baptists really aren't crazies..."
Because of course, the main stream (leftist) media paints them as crazies.
But Pat takes a different approach. He descibes voting patterns, geographic locations and 'kitchen table' political positions and ties that to people of faith and how we should expect them to vote and act. And then he shows us that is exactly what did (and will) happen. He also lays out how the MSM images of a 3rd grade drop-out red neck as 'the religious right' are deeply flawed.
Since I'm not religious I had not heard of 'small groups' before - but I now find them a fascinating part of American politics. The ways these small groups contribute to the red state picture is quite remarkable - and given just a little thought, inevitable.
Mr. Hynes analysis is so rational, so clear and so well researched you will find yourself saying 'yeah, of course' over and over. Anyone to the right of center knows that people of faith deserve respect. The derision and hatred generated by the left is not rational, open-minded or useful. Hedonists and secularists turn their fear of being in the wrong into intolerance for those who would not join the debauchery.
The Constitution does guarantee freedom 'from' religion as too many of the hate mongers from the ACLU would have you believe.

Now I have good news and bad news for the socialists/communists/daily Kos/DNC types out there.
The bad news is you cannot fool people of faith into thinking you are now, ever were, or ever will be on their side.
Howard Dean's fanaticism and madcap attempts to 'bring them along' are as doomed as his wacko bid for the Presidency was. The left has used (and vigorously tries to maintain) the ignorance of its voting base. Since they consider the religious to be ignorant, they also assume the religious are just one more special interest to pander to.
Sorry Hillary.
Reading this book will NOT help a democrat reach the religious - because what you think is ignorant, they know is faith.

But the good news? There is a mistake in this book!!!
That's right, no doubt a Karl Rove plot of the highest order - right there on page 159 - Pat identifies the Vice President in 1988 as none other than 'George W. Bush'.
Clearly a savvy political operative like Hynes would never have this happen as a typo, so moonbats of the sphere - RUN WITH IT!
He must be trying to legitimize W.
Crazy huh?

A Good Book, Perhaps Written Too Soon
I was given a copy of this book to review as a result of a posting on Mr. Hynes' website. Having read it, I wish I had several copies to give to both Christian and liberal friends!

In many ways, this was a good book to write at this time, but I also felt that some of the material was too close to the present (i.e. the 2004 election and aftermath) to get a proper perspective.

I was a little taken back by the way this book opens, it didn't seem to go anywhere at first. However, over the course of the book, the material was covered very well for the size the book is. (240 pages)

The author spends much time on the 2004 and 1994 elections, but also goes right back to the beginning of the American republic showing the history of the USA is not quite what people nowadays seem to assume. He pulls apart the history of the "separation of church and state" within American history very well, and shows that what the Religious Right nowadays push for is not very remarkable at all.

He spends a lot of time showing that the RR is solid, longstanding and absolutely not out of the mainstream of American society. Rather, the msm have taken great pains to spin events to make this the common perception. Terri Schiavo is a case in point: "70%" of Americans thought that the federal government should not get involved at all, 63% wanted her to die, but when the question was framed in terms of her actual condition, 80% wanted her to live.

Unfortunately, most people outside of America only get this view - the CNN, BBC, NY Times, etc. Most have no idea as to what is really going on in heartland USA. New Zealand has a quite similar history (with several major cities and universities being founded by religious people) but only in America have conservative Christians been strong enough to overcome the intense criticism these movements generate and found a voice as themselves rather than as members of other groups.

Practice makes perfect...
...or at least contributes to readability.Patrick Hynes blogs daily at anklebitingpundits.com and the it shows in this book.He zips through his points without the usual tedious filler that makes so much political writing difficult to sort through.Instead, his ideas are presented, properly supported, and restated in light of the evidence.Finally, he gathers his smaller points in support of his larger conclusion.He knows how to construct an essay.If you've been vaguely (or specifically)dissatisfied at the incomplete analyses of values voters in recent and future elections, you'll be interested in Hynes' book, which fleshes out this issue substantially.If you are a religious person who has wondered about your own role in politics, you'll also find the book useful.I was slightly put off by the use of the term "Religious Right", (mostly because we're all so brainwashed to think it means knuckle-dragging, racist, homophobic moron), but he handles my objection adroitly in his introduction.Disclosure:I got a free copy of the book in exchange for agreeing to review it. ... Read more

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This book is the first in-depth study of this crucial section of the Conservative Party. Drawing on new and revealing survey data, it paints a fascinating picture of the social make-up and political views of a grass roots membership who dislike Jacques Delors more than the European Community, and The Sun newspaper most of all. The book challenges the stereotypical view of the Conservative activist as an eccentric and politically irrelevant Thatcher-loving extremist. Instead, the authors argue that the grass roots membership are the unsung heroes of political life; helping to keep the party system working and democracy intact at a time when it is under considerable strain. ... Read more

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