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The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, which barred practically all Chinese from American shores for ten years, was the first federal law that banned a group of immigrants solely on the basis of race or nationality. By changing America's traditional policy of open immigration, this landmark legislation set a precedent for future restrictions against Asian immigrants in the early 1900s and against Europeans in the 1920s.

Tracing the origins of the Chinese Exclusion Act, Andrew Gyory presents a bold new interpretation of American politics during Reconstruction and the Gilded Age. Rather than directly confront such divisive problems as class conflict, economic depression, and rising unemployment, he contends, politicians sought a safe, nonideological solution to the nation's industrial crisis—and latched onto Chinese exclusion. Ignoring workers' demands for an end simply to imported contract labor, they claimed instead that working people would be better off if there were no Chinese immigrants. By playing the race card, Gyory argues, national politicians—not California, not organized labor, and not a general racist atmosphere—provided the motive force behind the era's most racist legislation. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (5)

Blaming the Politicians
In this well researched monograph, Andrew Gyory seeks to answer one question:Why did the United States pass the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882?In the past, historians have clung to two arguments to explain the passage of this act; the California and national-racism theses.The former suggests that workers and politicians in California supplied the driving force behind the Exclusion Act while the latter supports the view that a national xenophobia and prejudice towards the Chinese led to the act's passage.Gyory downplays the role that these two factors had in securing the exclusionist legislation.Instead, he argues that politicians played the race card to improve their political standing in hopes of getting elected to office.Gyory asserts, "The single most important force behind the Chinese Exclusion Act was national politicians of both parties who seized, transformed, and manipulated the issue of Chinese immigration in the quest for votes." Throughout the monograph Gyory seeks to illustrate how politicians took up the issue of Chinese immigration in an attempt to reach their political aspirations.

In order to prove his point, Gyory attempts to disprove the long held thesis that workers nationwide supported Chinese exclusion.He stressed that opposition to Chinese immigration east of the Rockies was largely nonexistent.According to his argument, eastern workers were simply opposed to the Chinese coming to the nation under contract.Hence, white workers had no desire to support immigration legislation based upon race.In fact, Gyory believes, "Most workers evinced little interest in Chinese exclusion." Contrary to prior historiography, he suggests that Chinese exclusion gained acceptance because politicians claimed it would benefit the workingman.Many times throughout his work he blames political maneuvering for securing the act.For example, he claims, "To the very end, politics and political advantage remained the chief motivating force behind every stage of the Chinese Exclusion Act." Although his evidence is convincing, the monograph contains a few shortcomings.

Gyory aptly reveals that eastern workers did not advocate restrictions on free Chinese immigration.However, these workers did not rise up to show their disapproval once the Exclusion Act was passed.Does this silence not suggest that workers possibly supported the act, or were at least indifferent to its passage?Furthermore, the reader will find that the dire situation in California only receives limited attention.Riots and violence were a product of Chinese immigration to the state, but Gyory largely fails, or chooses not to, discuss these events.Moreover, it is difficult to ascertain whether the Chinese Exclusion Act was a product of politicians, or if they were simply responding to public opinion.Despite these problems, the monograph adds greatly to the study of Chinese exclusion.

Gyory's monograph is a great contribution to the historiography of the Chinese Exclusion Act and the reasons it came into existence.By evaluating a wide spectrum of sources - speeches, congressional reports, periodicals, labor journals, and political caricatures - Gyory puts Chinese exclusion in a national context.There is no doubt that his work has caused scholars to reevaluate the old assumptions on what led to the exclusion of Chinese immigrants.However, although he minimizes the impact that white laborers had in securing the legislation, it remains difficult to disprove the long held argument that workers were instrumental to this process.

Well researched look at Chinese exclusion
Andrew Gyory's "Closing the Gate: Race, Politics, and the Chinese Exclusion Act" attempts to answer a central question about the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, specifically why the United States government passed this bill. According to the author, current historians who have examined the issue fail to offer a comprehensive explanation for this event. Gyory claims that the act did not arise from nationwide racism or at the behest of national labor leaders even though these elements formed an important aspect in its passage. Instead, he offers an alternative thesis: the Chinese Exclusion Act came into existence largely because national politicians sought votes from western states. Moreover, office seekers falsely claimed that anti-Chinese legislation had tacit support from workers across the nation and further argued that the laboring classes would greatly benefit from such a bill. Gyory finds that far from supporting an exclusion of Asian workers, most workingmen east of the Rocky Mountains had few concerns with Chinese immigration.

The first few chapters define an issue that repeatedly appears throughout the book: labor in the West supported Chinese exclusion while workers in the East did not. The distinction between the two camps hinged on the issue of importation versus exclusion. Starting in 1869 and reappearing throughout the 1870s, eastern capitalists threatened to import Chinese to break strikes. The fear that these Asian laborers would work longer hours for a lower wage presented a serious threat to emerging efforts at unionization. Most attempts to bring in Asian workers never materialized, despite the hysteria regarding an 1870 incident in North Adams, Massachusetts where a factory owner did bring in Chinese labor to break a strike. It was the implied threat of such a widespread influx of cheap, non-unionized labor that terrified the average eastern workingman. Gyory argues that even when workers thought such a danger loomed on the horizon, they still did not embrace exclusionary policies. The picture that emerges is instead one of eastern workers welcoming the Chinese with open arms as long as they came to the United States of their own freewill and not under contract with factory owners.

The stance of eastern labor did not find a reciprocal attitude in California and the West Coast. These regions supported a ban on Chinese immigration from the highest echelons of society down to the lowest ranks of the working class. Westerners persistently sought legislation at the federal level to end the Asian influx, with men like Denis Kearney embarking on widely touted tours of the East to promote an exclusionist agenda. These efforts either completely failed or achieved only limited results until the national election of 1880 when presidential hopeful Senator James G. Blaine realized that promoting a ban on Chinese immigration could sweep western votes into the pockets of the Republican Party. Blaine failed to secure the presidential nomination, but both parties soon adopted his race baiting tactics in the hope of winning a presidential election in an era of razor thin vote margins. After several intricate political maneuvers in Congress, President Chester A. Arthur signed the Chinese Exclusion Act into law in 1882. Eastern unions, which had ardently opposed immigration bans for so many years, eventually supported exclusion when it became apparent that this measure was the best labor legislation they would likely get from the federal government.

Gyory's research on this issue is exhaustive. By scouring through mounds of newspapers and related documents, he successfully constructs an argument that eastern unions opposed importation while supporting Chinese immigration. His presentation of the political machinations centering on Chinese exclusion shows the author's mastery at negotiating the immense source material concerning congressional debates and election politics. Moreover, the section of the book outlining Denis Kearney's excursion East illustrates the level of hostility westerners had for Asians while revealing the character of this flamboyant orator. Historians, like the public, enjoy reading about such vibrant individuals.

The author's central premise that eastern workers opposed exclusion runs into a major difficulty when one realizes that the book deals almost exclusively with unions or pro-union laborers. Labor unions during the 1870s never came close to representing a majority of workers nationwide, so drawing an overarching conclusion that "workers" opposed exclusion is arguably still up for debate. Moreover, Gyory often fails to make the critical distinction between organized labor and "workers," and would probably have found firmer ground if he had argued that UNIONS in the East opposed exclusion. Of course union members supported Chinese workers; they could build stronger unions if they could convince Asian laborers to join their ranks. Accomplishing this feat would be more difficult if Chinese laborers could only work through restrictive contracts with capitalist owners.

A further problem with this book lies in the hysterical tones westerners used when referring to Asian immigrants. Why did every level of society in the West reach near consensus about the undesirability of the Chinese? Other than a vague reference to westerners living in an area where the Chinese formed a measurable minority of the population, Gyory never examines the reasons for this overwhelming hatred. Defining the causes of this western repugnance would not necessarily translate into a justification of anti-Asian hatred, but rather would provide an explanation for the unanimous calls for exclusion in this area. Several western figures quoted in the book make vague references to vices and prostitution in their arguments for an immigration ban, so certainly there were specific issues on the West Coast that excited public opinion against the Chinese. What were they and why do they not appear in this book?

bringing the state back in
This is the hot new book on the Chinese Exclusion Act.Dare I spoil the plot?Previous literature on the act falls under (1) the California thesis (proposed first by Coolidge in 1909), and (2) the national racist thesis (which includes famous labor theorists like David Roediger and Gwendolyn Mink).Gyory suggests the California thesis is correct, but it needs to be pitched differently: the Republican party becomes a mere electoral apparatus (after abolitionism) and uses the Chinese question to win over the west, rather than chosing a more controversial issue.The reason why I like this book: This was the heyday of courts and parties--he's right and easy to read.

Who caused the Chinese Exclusion Act?
America had become the typical chosen destination of immigrants for its image of a land of plenty, a non-stratified society, and its democracy.This ideal of allowing immigrants to take advantage of these opportunities regardless of their ethnicity ended with the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882.The rationalization for this law was first hypothesized by Mary Coolidge on the basis of California racist atmosphere and political pull in Washington.Later it was suggested by Stuart Miller that it was workers that encouraged Chinese exclusion.Gyory suggests neither one of these theses are correct, but the catalyst for the prohibition of Chinese immigration was national politicians who seized and manipulated the issue in an effort to gain votes, while arguing that workers had long demanded Chinese exclusion and would benefit from it. Gyory's main intention was to exonerate the workingman as being the contingency that caused the Chinese exclusion.This is stated by including union newspapers and labor proceedings stating their opposition to imported contract labor, but not exclusion.The emergence of a nation-wide railroad strike bared the clear social divisions of the Gilded Age. Demanding `bread or blood,' railroad workers instigated speculation of a possible social revolution and the first red scare of a communist putsch.Upon the perceived anti-Chinese rhetoric and Dennis Kearney's urging Chinese exclusion, politicians were prompted to pick a non-ideological issue to appease these workers' demands.This study does demonstrate a new perspective on the instruments that enacted the Chinese Exclusion Act, but fails to give evidence why the masses accepted the politician's racist platforms.

Great history on the Chinese Exclusion Act!
I throughly enjoyed this well written book. Mr. Gyory documents the relatively unknown treatment of Chinese workers atempting to enter the United States. He illustrates the profound impact which this movement hadon US immigration. Highly recomended. ... Read more

Product Description
It’s an election year and Senator Ben “Pitchfork” Stevens from Texas made a campaign promise to stop illegal immigration. He virtually has. Problem is, people trying to cross the border keep disappearing. That’s a dilemma for 15-year-old Austin Pierce whose father is a political consultant involved with the senator and whose best friend, Rico Alvarez, happens to be in the United States illegally.

After Rico's family voluntarily deports, Austin discovers that Rico’s beautiful cousin Veronica helps people cross over illegally. He faces a decision: should he help his friends or help the FBI to stop the senator's evil ways?

Either path could lead to danger, even death.
... Read more

Product Description
In this groundbreaking work, Kamal Sadiq reveals that most of the world's illegal immigrants are not migrating directly to the US, but to countries in the vast developing world. And when they arrive in countries like India and Malaysia--which are often governed by weak and erratic bureaucracies--they are able to obtain citizenship papers fairly easily. Sadiq introduces "documentary citizenship" to explain how paperwork--often falsely obtained--confers citizenship on illegal immigrants. Once immigrants obtain documents, Sadiq writes, it is a relatively simple matter for, say, an Afghan migrant with Pakistani papers to pass himself off as a Pakistani citizen both in Pakistan and abroad. Across the globe, there are literally tens of millions of such illegal immigrants who have assumed the guise of "citizens." Who, then, is really a citizen? And what does citizenship mean for most of the world's peoples? Rendered in vivid detail, Paper Citizens not only shows how illegal immigrants acquire false papers, but also sheds light on the consequences this will have for global security in the post 9/11 world. ... Read more

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Customer Reviews (243)

Patric Buchanan - State of Emergency
This book is also a very interesting book to read. Pat Buchanan, evenso I have a little beef with some of his remarks from previous comments, says it how it is. This seems to be a problem all over the world and the powers in charge do not want to see it and so they dont want to do anything. I have nothing against all so people involved in this type of getting into a country.I am an imigrant myself like so m,any others but I have come to Canada the legal way and thus can hold my head up high and do not have hide from anything. There are some refugees which are ligitement but most of the illigals are economic refugees and this should be stopped. It would avoid getting undisirable people into a country which are no good to anybody. I follow in principel the J F Kennedy's phrase : Ask not what the country can do for you== ask what you can do for the country. I am a Canadian and here in Canada the problem is just about the same as in the US.

Herb Voigt

déjà vu
i am keeping this short. what most amazes me is virtually EVERY One of the arguments made in this book were the same ones used against the Irish, Italians,Japanese, eastern Europeans, Vietnamese, Cubans, Catholics, Jews, Buddhists, ect. my heritage like Pat's is Irish BUT i don't forget how we were treated and so say screw the WASPsand the powers that be. they didn't want us here and somehow the country is better for us and the others being a part of it. why the hell is any Irishman siding with them?!?

Good outline, convincing solution, but ignores the other elephant
Buchanan is a Republican, and this book is (I expect) his attempt to change the Party from its self-contradictory and suicidal path.

He wants, among other things, a border fence - a double fence with road in between, with motion sensors - to keep out Mexican immigrants. Easily paid for out of savings. (His suggestions are in the last chapter. This book was of course published before Obama, and clearly its suggestions were not taken up).

Buchanan looks at these topics: [1] USA and Mexicans in particular and the 'Aztlan plot'; [2] Mexicans' view of their history and the US takeover of SW USA - at the time Mexicans there were as rare as blacks in South Africa. This is a good overview; [3] Europe and Muslims, treated in much the same way; [4] A good overview of immigration laws in the USA going back several centuries - there were many controls until about 1965 - attacking the myths of 'a nation of immigrants'; [5] General accounts of population explosions, unskilled and uneducated nature of immigrants. Buchanan has a good account of American blacks forced into competition with Latinos, often enough violently.

He's less good on patriotism and nationalism. It seems obvious enough that things like language and habits about food, families, ownership etc tend to bind groups together, on common sense grounds - it can take years to learn a language, find out about promotions and hierarchies, become trained, stake ownership claims. Buchanan has a more mystical view which seems a bit unnecessary to me.

He's also not very good on legal corruptions which work in favour of 'minorities' (in fact they are majorities). These are mentioned in passing, but not really commented on: a Russian party which was banned; illegals who get benefits of every kind against the will of most whites; the 1965 Immigration Act in the US which had the opposite effect to that promoted and yet was never changed. 'Sanctuary' cities in the USA where criminals are untouched. Drugs which are imported with little obvious police opposition. Asylum laws are ignored in Britain, but in an outrageously pro-immigrant way. There are prohibitions on free speech on racist violence. And so on.

Buchanan additionally persistently talks of cheap labour, when of course it isn't cheap - the ancillary costs are offloaded on whites, who have this extra burden, and incidentally have fewer children - Buchanan notes this but doesn't say why.

Another omission - probably necessary in the USA, or Buchanan would have been kept out - is the Jewish influence. Buchanan is wrong in stating the USA had full integration of its citizens, since this group never integrated, and is a model in many ways of what other groups want, i.e. selective favours, most obvious in external relations and in immunity from criticism. Mexicans are pursuing this and have a lot to gain, since their neighbouring country might be forced to pay them vast amounts in the way Israel is paid. Buchanan also fails to note the NAACP and ADL and other Jewish outfits promoted immigration (they failed in the 1920s) probably to make themselves less conspicuous.

Anyway, well worth reading, and a companion to Buchanan's other part-revisionist books, which have similar good qualities, and deficiencies. I wonder if the Republican Party noticed? Incidentally Buchanan says nothing about vote reform - maybe proportional representation might help destroy the two party system which is such a very blunt instrument.

Buchanan has enough courage to take on the PC crowd
This book is an eye opening account of the future of America if the current trend in immigration (both legal and illegal) continues. Buchanan takes on every argument of both the radical right and the radical left and smashes every one of them. This book will not be taken kindly by the disciples of political correctness as Buchanan pulls no punches in laying out the sad facts. He rebuts the myths of "We are a nation of immigrants" all the way to "Diversity is our strength" by pointing out falsehoods that are propagandized by the proponents of mass immigration. He takes on the leftist elite idealogues who have a self hatred of anything American to the big business elites who want a pool of cheap labor to maximize their profits. He reveals the irony of African-Americans backing of the Democrats at all cost when that party has done the worst to affect their lives since African-Americans are those most adversely affected by competiton for jobs by immigrants. He points out through facts how England, France, and much of Europe are reeling in problems due to their own flawed policies of forced "muliculturism" through third world immigration.
Especially interesting is the leftist idea of America being a "creed nation", bound simply through principles and ideals, as opposed to culture, language and kinship. He compares that to the former Soviet Union, whose creed of communism wasnt enough to hold together that nation which is now 15 separate nations broken up according to ethnicity and "culture". He also points out the former Yugoslavia and numerous other examples of groups of people who do not want to be forced to live with others of another "culture". Another great point made by Buchanan is the Mexicanization of the southwest United States which is transforming the very nature of life in that part of the country. Also telling is how traditional "Western" peoples are being out-bred in population numbers which is causing a radical transformation in many other western nations. Finally he describes the continued failure of the US government to secure our borders especially in view of the fact that we have our military securing the borders of OTHER nations (Korea, Iraq)!!! The surprising truth is that a huge majority of all Americans (both native and immigrant) feel that the US is failing in its constitutional obligation to its citizens by its complete apathy to border security!! This should be mandatory reading for every American!!!!

Yet another dire warning of impending doom
Once again, Mr. Buchanan delivers a vital message: WAKE UP!

Americans, and in fact, ALL WESTERNERS, are about to lose their own nations. A vast number of truly malignant individuals, governments, specific ethnicities, and organizations, ...have been working very hard for approximately five decades to bring us to our current state of affairs. As usual, Mr. Buchanan has very precisely, and explicitely, illuminated the blatant threats which now face the West.

Don't bother voicing your concerns to your local "civil-servants", that is, your "elected representatives". Your politicians have nothing but contempt for you. They no longer "represent" you. Recent public debates with outraged citizens have demonstrated quite clearly that your "elected representatives" are no longer civil, and certainly don't consider themselves to be servants. Have no doubt that they expect and DEMAND that YOU be "civil", and they most definitely DEMAND that YOU be a servant.

Pat Buchanan defines the threats, both foriegn and domestic, posed by the enormous mass of third-world immigrants into America, and other Western nations.

Now, you are going to witness the thoroughly predictable denunciations, and accusations of "racism" and "bigotry", which such books as this so often draw. Ignore them. The issue is really not as simple as that. For decades, that is how well-programmed apparatchiks have managed to subdue all dissent to their agenda. Nobody wants to be called a "racist", after all.

Why should we be concerned about such a surge of new immigrants? After all, the vast majority of all Americans are descended from immigrants. In the mid-nineteenth century, there were grave concerns about certain ethnicities settling in America, namely the Irish or Chinese. Those concerns have proven to be largely unfounded, as those immigrants very easily ASSIMILATED into American society. In the case of the Chinese, and other east-Asian ethnicities, they tended to settle in homogenous communities, and proudly maintained their culture. However, they STILL became THOROUGHLY AMERICAN, and have THOROUGHLY CONTRIBUTED to America in many ways.

The primary focus of this book is the issue of illegal aliens from Mexico, and other Central American countries.

In truth, most of those illegal aliens would never be here, IF THEIR NEEDS WERE BEING MET IN THEIR HOMELAND.

Now, with the resources and economic potential that Mexico now has in its possession, THERE IS NO REASON THAT MEXICO SHOULD NOT BE AS ECONOMICALLY (AND POLITICALLY) STABLE, as Canada.

The "government" of Mexico, exists for the purpose of keeping the majority of its population in a state of weakness, ignorance, poverty, and quasi-serfdom. A century after the Mexican Revolution, ...nothing has changed. One exclusive group of gangsters has merely displaced another in Mexico's "government". The Mexican "government", completely useless and self-serving, has no intention of easing the plight of its citizens.

Those Mexican citizens are being used as a tool by Mexico's "government", to disrupt and exploit America.

There are simple and effective steps toward solving the illegal-alien problem. Your "elected representatives" in America have no interest in taking such action. Slavery is ILLEGAL in America. The best alternative, is to exploit illegal-aliens for cheap labor. How many senators and congressmen have thoroughly invested in companies that exploit illegal-alien labor?

The most dire concern is this:
Certain exclusive groups, in the guise of non-government organizations, would like to monopolize all wealth and power. In order for that to occur, America, and the West in general, MUST be eliminated. Caucasians make up approximately less than a tenth of the world population, by some estimates. What better way to absolutely eliminate those people, than to subject them to a massive invasion of third-world dregs who have NO INTENTION WHATSOEVER OF ASSIMILATING?

Why is it that ONLY WESTERN NATIONS, must "embrace multiculturalism"?

-Do you think the People's Republic of China would ever let millions of Africans and muslims become citizens?

-Do you think any African country would allow millions of Central or South Americans to settle within its borders?

-Do you think any Middle-eastern country would ever accept a massive influx of Christians, Buddhists, Hindus, ...or Jews?



... Read more

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Customer Reviews (1)

Useful critique of multiculturalism
The authors, two Dutch social scientists, write, “When we speak of ways of life colliding, we have in mind genuine differences about what is right and wrong embedded in a larger context of common ground.” This is not the ‘clash of civilisations’, beloved of warmongers.

They write, “Our concern is the collision between Western European values and Muslim values. Our focus is the Netherlands because it has undertaken the most ambitious policy of multiculturalism. The premise of multiculturalism as a principle is respect for the pluralism of cultures. Yet its thrust as a public policy has been to legitimize and subsidize one particular expression of Muslim culture – ironically the one most at odds with the pluralistic spirit of liberal democracy.”

They show how multiculturalism has preserved and promoted the most illiberal version of Muslim practices that holds sway only in traditional, rural and remote areas of the Middle East. Multiculturalism legitimised an authoritarian and inegalitarian approach to women and children. Multiculturalism has given special status to traditional, unelected, ‘community leaders’ and even set up a separate, state-funded school system in Holland.

They conducted their survey in 1998, before 9/11, before the murder of Theo van Gogh, the controversial film-maker. They found, “In all of our studies across a variety of countries, the single best predictor of prejudice towards minorities is the importance that people attach to the value of conformity.” However, they found that intolerance and criticism of multiculturalism are not the same.

They also found that, “Even among the most tolerant, on the order of a half support raising the barriers to immigration, and the support for doing so rapidly becomes overwhelming. There is thus support for making immigration more difficult throughout the society.”

They note that multiculturalism’s “sensitivity to the threats that immigrant minorities perceive to their way of life has been accompanied by an insensitivity to the threats that the majority perceive to their way of life.” The policy of multiculturalism was not the result of popular pressure – indeed it is a deeply unpopular policy.

This raises the question - if the majority want stricter immigration controls, oppose multiculturalism and want a greater degree of assimilation, shouldn’t this be what happens in a democracy?

... Read more

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Walzer examines five "regimes of toleration"-from multinational empires to immigrant societies-and describes the strengths and weaknesses of each regime, as well as the varying forms of toleration and exclusion each fosters. He shows how power, class, and gender interact with religion, race, and ethnicity in the different regimes and discusses how toleration works-and how it should work-in multicultural societies like the United States. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (1)

A good description of toleration
This book's strength lies in its many examples and systematic structure.The topic is engaging, and it will keep you reading.The fact that it was begotten out of a lecture series helps to keep it brief and not overlywordy.Worth the read if you are interested in the relationship betweendifferent groups. ... Read more

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In the past three decades, images of undocumented immigrants pouring across the southern border have driven the immigration debate and policies have been implemented in response to those images. More recently, the Oklahoma City bombings and the tragic events of September 11 have provided further impetus to implement policies that are anti-immigration in design and effect. This book discusses the major immigration policy areas - undocumented workers, the immigration selection system, deportation of aggravated felons, national security and immigration policy, and the integration of new Americans - and the author suggests his own proposals on how to address the policy challenges. The author also reviews some of the policies that have been put forth and ignored and suggests new policies that would be good for the country economically and socially. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (4)

Compassion without justice
This book argues for compassion instead of deportation.Justice in the sense of punishing the guilty and only the guilty is, for the author, an unattractive option.He'd prefer never punishing anyone.America has "policies that are unnecessarily harsh".P. 7

The bulk of the book is concerned with refugees, people who have come to America from another country under a refugee program.Such people are deportable if they commit a serious crime, like selling heroin or murder.Hing is a lawyer who has defended refugees in deportation hearings.He knows this part of the law well, and gives a clear if tedious list of cases that show its application in various situations.

He also covers the deportation of illegal immigrants. His opinion is clear: let's not.

Raids to round up illegal immigrants would be a "scenario [that] should not be acceptable to us as a civil society.".(p. 38)

"Serious questions of morality are raised when we understand that the United States has set up an economic and social system that attracts low income immigrants ... (p. 103)." Then he implies all who have been attracted should be allowed to stay.This is like blaming an attractive woman who has been raped for attracting the rapist.

Enforcement would be "onerous" (p. 12) so we shouldn't try.

Illegal immigrants who think the "Our" in the title "Deporting Our Souls" means the author is an illegal immigrant will be disappointed.The author lumps illegals, legals, and himself into one nice ball, then argues for compassion for "us".Cute.

This book is not a primer.Policy wonks and political junkies will enjoy it.Others will find it a slog.

I give the author credit for skillful use of emotionally charged case studies.Compassion and emotion are his strength. I also enjoyed the delicious semi-Freudian "I lift my lap beside the golden door."(p. x).

Three stars.

Humanizing the Immigration Debate
Two of the biggest problems in the current debate over immigration reform are the persistence and proliferation of misinformation, and the demonizing of illegal immigrants.This book by the aptly named Bill Ong Hing (if you can't see why his name is appropriate, just say it out loud quickly) is a nice corrective to these widespread problems.
First, Hing addresses the impact of undocumented workers on the economy in a way that avoids the shrill rhetoric that is often involved and addresses the data with great sobriety.Rather than focusing on any one particular study (as we all too often tend to do), he addresses the general trend of the data.In the process, he calls our attention to many neglected ways in which undocumented workers impact the economy.For example, while many people focus intently on the question of whether undocumented workers drive down wages or export earnings to other countries, few address the role of undocumented workers as consumers; Hing does.Few address the long-term contribution of undocumented workers; Hing does.Many people express concerns that undocumented workers are not paying taxes, but rather "draining" resources from the system; Hing reveals the many ways in which they contribute to the system, including, yes, paying taxes.
Hing also does an outstanding job of humanizing undocumented workers.His long experience as a lawyer dealing with immigration issues provides him with a wealth of examples to draw on.This, to me, is the most important part of the book--in it, we come to see undocumented workers not as a poor, violent class of lawbreakers (as they are all too often presented), but as people with the same desires to provide a good life for themselves and their families that we all share.Hing helps us to see through the eyes of the other the daily trials we impose upon illegal, and even legal, immigrants.It would take a cold-hearted person indeed to not be moved by many of the cases Hing provides.
All this is, in the end, aiming at defending a policy of guest worker programs with significant and timely opportunities for citizenship.Hing rightly notes that without such opportunities, guest worker programs amount to little more than exploitation.He also defends a widespread provision of citizenship opportunities for those already here; and unlike those Republican pundits who talk "family, family, family" but rarely act to help actual families (preferring to support some abstractum known as "The Family"), Hing's proposal supports the maintenance of families by making familial relations a central consideration in providing citizenship opportunities.
Hing's book is not without its failings.He fails to address for more than a few sentences the crucial issue of responsibilities we owe to immigrants due to our past foreign policy decisions.(NAFTA, for example, has put many farmers throughout the Americas out of work; and our continual meddling in the political decisions of other American nations has created repeated refugee problems.)I'm also not convinced that he gives enough consideration to the likelihood that undocumented workers will simply be a renewable source of cheap labor.While he recognizes this as a possibility, given the conditions of post-industrial capitalism, I'm not sure that providing easier paths to citizenship is enough to prevent exploitation.
But in the case of this book, its strengths far outweigh its weaknesses.Anyone concerned about immigration or immigrants should read this book.Those who are most in disagreement with Hing's proposal have the most to gain from reading this, and owe it to themselves to run the risk of seeing immigrants as people; perhaps by seeing others as more human, they may in turn become more humane.

The Great Immigration Panic
In early June 2008, the NY Times ran an editorial entitled, "The Great American Panic," pointing out that years from now, we will look back at this immigration-enforcement era with shame. Professor Hing's book provides the substantive support for this argument. Indeed, we are shaming ourselves with policies that are evil and embarrassing. It's time for policy makers to wake up, and do the right thing.

A calming voice in a storm of fear.
In a book published in October 2006: Deporting Our Souls.... Values, Morality and Immigration Policy, Bill Ong Hing makes a very strong case for a much more humane immigration policy in the United States.

Hing who is on the faculty at UC Davis Law School argues that we need a new approach to immigration: "My solution is simple." He writes. "Calm down. Welcome undocumented workers...." His is a refreshing voice in a storm of fear. He uses lots of examples showing how the US's past immigration policy has mistreated people. He also shows how applications of the same policies are effecting people today. One example he uses is how Operation Gatekeeper, which sealed the border near El Paso drove the migrants into the Arizona desert where thousands have died.

His argument for immigration is not the ethics argument used by the Radical Immigration movement, that humans have the basic right to migrate as long as they are not an undue burden on the place they settle. He argues that we should allow immigration because it is the compassionate thing to do, that we have a responsibility to others wherever they live and that immigration is good for all of us. He does not argue for, in the words of Bruce Ackerman, "an immigrant's prima facie right to demand entry into a liberal state." Hing believes that the US can make better rules for immigrants and the problem can be solved.

The book ends with these lines: ". we should fully embrace newcomers in our midst with open arms, for they are our neighbors and, in a real sense, our own collective relatives." His is a welcome sentiment in a sea of anger. ... Read more

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This is the first comprehensive treatment of a problem of staggering proportions.There have always been homeless people but only in the twentieth century have refugees become an important part of international politics, seriously affecting relations between states. Since the 1880's, the numbers of displaced persons has climbed astronomically, with people scattered over vaster distances and for longer periods of time than ever before.Marrus traces the emergence of this new variety of collective alienation.

While a considerable portion of the book is devoted to the dislocations of the Nazi era, the volume covers everything from the late nineteenth century to the present, encompassing the Armenian refugees, the Spanish Civil War Emigres, the Cold War refugees in flight from Soviet states, and much more.The book shows not only the astounding dimensions of the subject but also depicts the shocking apathy and antipathy of the international community toward the homeless.The author examines the impact of refugee movements on Great Power diplomacy and considers the evolution of agencies designed to assist refugees, noting outstanding successes and failures.

The book's thesis is that the huge refugee inundations of the twentieth century in Europe represented a terrible new page in human history, presaging what we see today in parts of the Third World.Thus the book offers a treasury of experience in dealing with refugees that the world can peruse with profit.

About the Author:

Michael R. Marrus is Professor of History at the University of Toronto and co-author (with Robert Paxton) of the acclaimed Vichy France and the Jews. ... Read more

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This is a key new analysis of two major European issues: the impact of immigration and ethnic diversity on the nation state, and the declining capacity of the welfare state to maintain social equity. Detailed case-studies demonstrate the growing significance of the EU's role in formulating policy on migration, integration, discrimination, asylum, and racism. ... Read more

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The United States continues to be a nation of immigrants. This is the first book length treatment of the impact of the 1996 welfare reform act on a wide range of immigrant groups in North America. Contributors to the book draw on ethnographic fieldwork, government data, and original survey research to show how welfare reform has reinforced socio-economic hardships for working poor immigrants. As the essays reveal, reform laws have increased the social isolation of poor immigrant households and discouraged large numbers of qualified immigrants from applying for health and welfare services. All of the articles highlight the importance of examining federal policy guidelines in conjunction with local enforcement policies, labor market dynamics, and immigrant attitudes toward government agencies. ... Read more

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Race, Discourse and Labourism documents the Labour Party'sconstruction of the concept of race in political discourse. Providing a criticalanalysis of labour's race politics and its conditions of emergence, Knowlescomments on whether Labour is capable of giving political direction toanti-racism in the nineties.

Knowles details the historical conditions ofthe emergence of race through Labour's dealings with Indian independencenegotiations and anti-semitism in the thirties. She illustrates how in thesehistorical processes Labour construed a range of negative significations forblack citizenship, multiculturalism, and black representation, which structuredits involvement with race in the sixties and early seventies.

Race, Discourse and Labourism reveals that Labourhas not only tolerated racial inequality, but has given it powerful politicaldirection. Focusing on the interplay of official and unofficial labourism, thisbook provides an insightful political and theoretical analysis of how race wasconstructed and sustained as a category in post-war British politics.

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Stout plunges the reader into the social and political upheaval that the immigration question exerts on 21st century America. Personal encounters, conversations, interviews and newspaper accounts provide a vivid and accurate picture of indocumentado life, both in the workplace and at home. They highlight the successes and failures of immigrants, as well as the challenges and contradictions that those who pursue them and deport them face. He chronicles the effects of 60 years of political seesawing that has granted citizenship to over 3 million former Mexican nationals and left another 7 million in limbo. And in addition, he examines why six decades of surveillance, pursuit, raids, fences and deportations have only slightly altered, but not stemmed, the immigrant flow.

Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents sweep through factories, farms and construction sites from Maine to California herding handcuffed illegals into detention facilities. Immigrants and their supporters block highways, repudiating a House of Representatives proposal to make undocumented entry into the United States a felony. National Guardsmen head towards the U. S.- Mexico frontier where hundreds of men, women and children die every year of heat stroke, dehydration, and starvation. Few other issues have provoked such national outrage since integration and opposition to the war in Vietnam crested in the 1960s. Despite the clamor, the rhetoric, the accusations and the arrests, few people really understand who the undocumented immigrants are, how they get into the United States and why they keep coming.

Stout explains in vivid detail why Spanish-speaking workers leave their homes—and often risk their lives—to seek employment north of the border. The book includes hundreds of interviews and experiences he has shared with migrants, politicians, law officers and farm and sweatshop employers. It's a battleground—it never was before, Mexican-born immigrant Jesus Francisco Reyes told Stout as he watched Border Patrol officers follow helicopter searchlights across a brambled mountainside 80 miles east of San Diego, California. The indocumentados the migra apprehend and send back across the border will add to already overwhelming statistics: over 1 million deportations every year, an estimated 600,000 successful new arrivals, and expenditures on so-called border security topping billions of dollars a year. More than 23 million Americans of Mexican descent live in the United States, 7 million of whom do not have valid work or residency papers. Millions of these immigrants live in poverty but more than 90 percent find employment and over 60 percent send portions of their earnings to their families south of the border. Their remittances provide nearly 70 percent of the incomes of thousands of towns and villages throughout northern and central Mexico and much of Central America. Without them, the economies of those countries would have foundered.

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Refugee policy has not kept pace with new realities in international and humanitarian affairs. Recent policy failures have resulted in instability, terrible hardships, and massive loss of life. This book systematically analyzes refugee policy responses over the past decade and calls for specific reforms to make policy more proactive and comprehensive. Refugee policy must be more than the administration of misery. Responses should be calculated to help prevent or mitigate future humanitarian catastrophes. More international cooperation is needed in advance of crises. Humanitarian structures within governments, notably the United States, as well as the wide variety o international institutions involved in humanitarian action must be re-oriented to cope with new challenges. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (5)

An Obituary for the Author
The author of this book, Arthur C. Helton, was killed on August 19, 2003 in the suicide bombing of the United Nations headquarters in Baghdad.Helton was meeting with UN officials at the time of the bombing.

Smallchief

Praising the Price of Indifference
As noted by Arthur Helton, refugees matter. However, they matter not only for humanitarian reasons but also because they are intimately tied to questions of national and strategic interest. By extending the argument beyond the realm of humanitarian charity, Helton effectively makes the case for state intervention in the field and elevates scholarship in the realm of refugee studies.

Moreover, the perspective of The Price of Indifference is a fresh one. Addressing crises from Africa to Afghanistan, Turkey to East Timor and Haiti to the former USSR, his work constitutes a comprehensive account of a decade that was perhaps the most dynamic one in recent memory. And from a discussion of the Cold War models of humanitarian action to the "Mogadishu syndrome" and the CNN effect, Helton covers the prevailing dynamics of all periods. What is more, the book goes so far as to model potential futures depending on which prevailing ideology is adopted (e.g., cooperation or containment).

Not only does the book discuss shortfalls in the national system of humanitarian action (calling for a new separate civilian agency, the Agency for Humanitarian Action), but it also entails a discussion of the international system and its inability to effectively mediate refugee-related crises. In doing so, Helton makes the case for new institutional structures (e.g., the Strategic Humanitarian and Research Entity, or SHARE) which effectively consolidate the fragmented humanitarian components in the UN system.

As we know, the Cold war changed responses to refugee and migration emergencies in fundamental ways. Yet, for all we do know, there is no single answer. Rather, a more varied and comprehensive "policy toolbox" is required. To be helpful, policy needs to be more proactive so that "international coordination" and a "preventive orientation" replace the "selective apathy" and "creeping trepidation" that currently animate refugee responses.

No longer can states hide behind the out-dated Westphalian notion of absolute sovereignty. Rather, certain concerns are obligations erga omnes and the concern of all those within the international community. As a result, a significant attention and backing is given to humanitarian intervention (and its reform).

As Helton notes, recent experience teaches us that expectations should be modest. Yet with a thorough review like the Price of Indifference, one cannot help but hope for a better future for refugees and internally displaced persons worldwide.

Refugee Policy: Past Mistakes and Future Hope
The collapse of the Berlin Wall and the symbolic moral victory of American capitalism has been viewed by the US mainstream literature as the onset of a new era; one of global prosperity and peace.Although the end of state socialism has led to the spread of liberal democracy in Eastern Europe, it has also marked the beginning of numerous political and social crises that have precipitated an unprecedented growth of refugees and internally displaced peoples.

Arthur Helton's THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE astutely analyzes the emergence of the past decade's refugee crisis and the inability of the international political and legal framework to adequately address it.Using what sociologists call the "extensive field work methodology," Helton not only presents a succinct history of the recent refugee crisis; but also the "refugees' experience" through personal accounts and in-depth interviews with important policy-makers of the international refugee community.The result is an instructive analysis of "what went wrong" and what can be learned from the past, all presented in a style that captivates the interested reader.

As a scholar, legal practitioner and one of the international authorities in the field of migration and refugees, Helton's unique insights and inside resources illuminate the roots of the current crisis.By showing that prior policy responses were the outcome of emergency situations that lacked a systematic understanding of the diverse origins of the contemporary crisis, Helton proposes the creation of two institutions-one inside the US government and the other within international institutions-to anticipate and proactively respond to future refugee emergencies.While this approach is likely to attract the criticism of those who advocate a lesser role of the US government, it is a realistic and feasible solution that takes into consideration the fact that no refugee crisis can be resolved without the cooperation of the US government.At the same time, in order to devise a solution for current and future refugee crises that will be effective and long lasting, US policies must have international legitimacy which can be achieved only through international cooperation.

In sum, THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE is a "must" for any specialist in the field of refugee policy and for any person interested in future international policy on displaced peoples.Refugees matter not only because "they are there" or because "it could be me" but because refugees are here to stay and, in the process, how the U.S. helps to shape international policy will profoundly influence the political, ethical, and racial/ethnic future of our future global society.

Refugee Policy: Past Mistakes and Future Hope
The collapse of the Berlin Wall and the symbolic moral victory of American capitalism has been viewed by the US mainstream literature as the onset of a new era; one of global prosperity and peace.Although the end of state socialism has led to the spread of liberal democracy in Eastern Europe, it has also marked the beginning of numerous political and social crises that have precipitated an unprecedented growth of refugees and internally displaced peoples.

Arthur Helton's THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE astutely analyzes the emergence of the past decade's refugee crisis and the inability of the international political and legal framework to adequately address it.Using what sociologists call the "extensive field work methodology," Helton not only presents a succinct history of the recent refugee crisis; but also the "refugees' experience" through personal accounts and in-depth interviews with important policy-makers of the international refugee community.The result is an instructive analysis of "what went wrong" and what can be learned from the past, all presented in a style that captivates the interested reader.

As a scholar, legal practitioner and one of the international authorities in the field of migration and refugees, Helton's unique insights and inside resources illuminate the roots of the current crisis.By showing that prior policy responses were the outcome of emergency situations that lacked a systematic understanding of the diverse origins of the contemporary crisis, Helton proposes the creation of two institutions-one inside the US government and the other within international institutions-to anticipate and proactively respond to future refugee emergencies.While this approach is likely to attract the criticism of those who advocate a lesser role of the US government, it is a realistic and feasible solution that takes into consideration the fact that no refugee crisis can be resolved without the cooperation of the US government.At the same time, in order to devise a solution for current and future refugee crises that will be effective and long lasting, US policies must have international legitimacy which can be achieved only through international cooperation.

In sum, THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE is a "must" for any specialist in the field of refugee policy and for any person interested in future international policy on displaced peoples.Refugees matter not only because "they are there" or because "it could be me" but because refugees are here to stay and, in the process, how the U.S. helps to shape international policy will profoundly influence the political, ethical, and racial/ethnic future of our future global society.

Refugee Policy:Advocating a Proactive Approach
Every notable disaster of the past century -- war, famine, civil unrest, earthquake and ecological catastrophe -- has resulted in the massive displacement of people within and across borders of their home countries.The June 7, 2002 New York Times reported that 14.9 million civilians were driven from their countries by war alone last year, and an additional 22 million people uprooted within their countries.It is a natural phenomenon in its own right, yet there has never been a systematic or comprehensive approach to anticipate, gather resources (both financial and intellectual) and make available workable solutions to this devastating predicament.This universal lack of foresight has taken its toll on untold numbers of refugees; some of whom waste years of their lives in flight or languish in refugee camps fearing for their safety, struggling for mere survival; while others achieve the relative fortune of starting their lives over in a new environment.

Now, the reader with even a passing interest in the plight of these unfortunate wanderers, and the expert alike, can explore an extraordinary trove of information on refugee policy and a startling new solution to this monumental problem.THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE: Refugees and Humanitarian Action in the New Century, by Arthur C. Helton, sets forth a concise modern history of refugee crises and the structural mechanisms and varied policies that have emerged for dealing with them.Helton depicts numerous strategies such as temporary protection, safe havens, asylum, evacuation, humanitarian corridors, resettlement, internal protection and repatriation, explaining why States have chosen some "solutions" over others as well as revealing the lapsed policy of states that have chosen to remain uninvolved.By analyzing diverse crises of the last decade in Bosnia, Cambodia, East Timor, Haiti, Kosovo, and Rwanda, Helton reveals the full array of policy tools and astoundingly problematic realities of managing refugees.

With an uncanny ability to capture the big picture, Helton also evokes vivid, personally observed details of a wide range of specific refugee crises, often in poetic terms.This book gives you the insider's view of what refugees actually experience:

It was a late Sunday evening in November 2000 when our plane landed in Nairobi, Kenya.As I walked on the runway through the sultry air to the airport arrival hall, I became an unintended witness to the conclusion of the infamous journey of the `lost boys of Sudan', some of whom I had visited in 1993 at the Kakuma refugee camp in northwestern Kenya.There, a remnant of some 17,000 children had come to rest after fleeing in 1988 from fighting in Sudan to Ethiopia, where they were attacked again after the regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam fell in 1991.This prompted a harrowing 600-mile trek by foot to Kenya, with many dying from attacks by wild animals and exposure.
p. 183.

In Helton's words, "[a]t the outset of the twenty-first century, the policy debate is driven by selective apathy and creeping trepidation."He reveals rationales for employing the various options including political motivations, notions of sovereignty, and practicality, among others.With a comprehensive overview of policy options that have been employed in recent history, their successes and failures, Helton envisions putting an end to such inevitable recurring suffering.

Unsatisfied with unpremeditated, unsystematic and less than ideal solutions that spring, almost ad hoc from crises as they arise, Helton offers a striking proposal for two organizations dedicated to assembling resources and a base of experts to anticipate, prevent and ameliorate future predicaments - one inside the U.S. government, and one internationally-based.While some may bemoan a proposal for new agencies, Helton's suggestion is innovative for the policy underlying these proposed organizations:a vehicle for prevention of mass displacement and for proactive, anticipatory mitigation when prevention is impossible or inappropriate.The new national security and foreign policy agenda he presents reflects his heartfelt and lifelong quest for states, organizations and individuals to view the protection of refugees as an obligation to humanity; an obligation that merits foresight.

Arthur C. Helton, one of the world's top experts on refugees and the migration of displaced persons, is Senior Fellow for Refugee Studies and Preventive Action at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York.He previously directed the Refugee Project of the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights for twelve years and has written more than 80 scholarly articles on refugee and migration subjects.Helton's book will educate and fascinate policy makers, statesmen, relief workers, and humanitarians, as well as advocates for refugees and enthusiasts of migration, foreign policy, history, diplomacy, politics, and human rights.This comprehensive volume poses important questions and will undoubtedly take its place among the seminal literature devoted to the topic. ... Read more

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This new Report from the UNHCR, the first since 2000, provides an up-to-date and highly accessible overview of recent key developments related to internal and cross-border displacement of people throughout the world. As well as analyzing policy issues, it provides a wealth of statistical graphs, tables, and maps. ... Read more

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Customer Reviews (405)

Hypocrisy at its worst
My wife reads some Russian nationalist blogs, and one of the bloggers recommended this book to her; I read it for company. The idea is that low birth rates in Western countries and Japan, caused by contraception and the culture of consumerism, spell the death of Western, Christian and Japanese civilization, and third-world immigrants coming to the United States are destroying it. The Wikipedia article about Buchanan says that he married in 1971, and has no children. As my younger brother, born in 1976 to parents married in 1972, put it at age 9, because I teach you to eat cucumbers with a fork, I myself can eat them with my hands. Japan imports 80% of its energy and 60% of its food; last time she tried to grab her neighbors' resources by force she got atom-bombed. Should the population of Japan still grow? Mexican immigrants are, on average, devoutly Christian; how are they destroying Christian civilization? They may not be white, but in the 19th century, a Patrick Buchanan may not have been considered white either; there is a book called How the Irish Became White.

Conseervative Pat Buchanan predicts grim times ahead for Western Civilization
Pat Buchanan the conservative pundit, columnist, former presidential candidate and speech writer for Richard Nixon is always worth reading. Buchanan is a man who is deeply concerned about the future of our Western culture and survival in the 21st century. Among the dangers pointed out by Pat are:
1. The Western democracies are not producing enough children. European and Americans are an aging population who are falling far behind Asian nations in birthrates. Buchanan sees this as a weakness which is manifesting itself in massive immigration by non-western people into the United States and Europe.
2. Christianity is endangered by the rise of Islam and growing secularism. Scandals have rocked the Roman Catholic Church and America is no longer a nation adhering to Christian morality.
3. Buchanan examines violence in America, homosexuality and the growing indifference to nationalism and patriotism.
4. Buchanan fears Mexico's desire to retake the American southwest.
This is a gloom and doom account of recent trends in population figures. Buchanan is a good writer who can keep the attention of his readers. This short book will get you thinking about the future regardless of whether you agree or disagree with the author.

The Death of the West
Amazing. Montazzuma knew it was the end of his civilization with the arrival of Hernando Cortez and the Europeans. Now we see the Aztecs(Mexicans/Central Americans) coming to the U.S via south of the border. What goes around comes around. "Ain't that a bitch".

The answer to the behavior of the Left today
Death of the west provides some very surprizing - and alarming - answers to explain most of the modern American Left's sometimes surprizing behaviour hidden behind aparently "noble" liberal values.Just reading Chapter Four makes the whole book worth reading.A MUST READ whether you are Conservative, Liberal or Libertarian.

A brass-knuckled fistful of reality in your face
That Pat Buchanan is a brilliant polemicist, is beyond debate. This is the harsh reality regarding the pending fate of the Western culture: Europe, Canada, Australia & New Zealand, and the United States. Within these pages Buchanan dispels a number of "politically-correct" fantasies and fallacies, and attempts, mostly in vain, to get "Westerners" to wake up to the doom that awaits their grandchildren.

Of prime concern is the fate of Europe, where most Americans and Canadians, Austarlians, and New Zealanders trace their ancestral origins. The INDIGENOUS PEOPLE of Europe seem to have lost the will to propagate and survive, both racially and culturally. Some white people, actuallyREJOICE in this development. They think this is WONDERFUL! The fact is, that this is the result that white-leftists have been dreaming of for approximately half a century. So thoroughly brainwashed with irrational hatred for their own kind, they believe the world will benefit from the self-genocide of all caucasians. This is the REAL racism of our time.

Consider the fact that, of the increasingly smaller number of Europeans who bother to get married, those that actually have children will produce only one or two. Of the ever-growing number of immigrants from the islamic parts of the world, it is not uncommon for them to produce families with 4,5,6, or more children. It does not take a genius to realize what Europe will look like in just twenty years.
-Do you REALLY think that the rights of the INDIGENOUS people of Europe will be respected by a new islamic majority?

The islamic world made several attempts to overrun Europe, in approximately one-thousand years:
-The Iberian Penninsula was conquered in the 700s, and the muslims were not driven out until 1492!
-Charles Martel defeated and repelled a massive islamic invasion in the very heart of what would become France, in 732.
-The Ottoman Turks invaded the Balkans in the 1300s, they were besieging Vienna by the early 1600s.
-However, its now apparent that all the wars and battles which our brave European ancestors fought ...was for nothing.

Yes, pointing out such facts will attract the usual hysterical shrieking about "racism". I bear no ill will whatsoever to any other race or ethnicity. I understand that their ancestral homelands are SACRED to them. That is the place where untold generations of THEIR ancestors lived and died, and that is something worthy of respect.

We are told to believe that the West MAY NOT have such concerns.

-Do you REALLY think any nation in the Middle-east, Africa, Central & South America, or East Asia, ...would allow tens of millions of European people to move en-masse into THEIR homelands?
-Do you REALLY think islamic countries would allow construction of new Christian churches in THEIR cities?
-Do you REALLY think any of the nations in the above list are ready to practice "multiculturalism" and "diversity"?

As a matter of fact, some of those nations/regions of the world ARE "diverse" and "multicultural", ...but there are DOMINANT CULTURES within them that WILL NOT share power and wealth with the minority cultures.

White-liberals desperately want to believe that non-leftist whites are "inherantly racist". Is that so?:

-All these concepts of "multiculturalism" and "diversity" are UNIQUE to the West.
-Approximately fifty years ago, a handful of European nations still maintained colonies throughout much of the world. However, some 99% of all those colonies have long since been GRANTED independance, because the West evolved intellectually to percieve that colonialism was immoral.
-ONLY the Western culture has ever done such a thing. No other nation or culture has willingly given up an empire, without some manner of conflict that was external or internal. Mahatma Ghandi's non-violent campaign demanding independance for India would not have worked with a non-Western culture. The British people percieved that it was the morally correct action to liberate India. Considering the fact that the British had just survived a war against the imperial ambitions of Naziism, they collectively believed that maintaining an empire was no longer an honorable national goal.

In this book, you will also learn about the "progressive" efforts to DISMANTLE all the institutions of Western culture, namely CHRISTIANITY, which was and is the FRAMEWORK upon which Western culture was built.

You will learn about Georg Lukacs, Antonio Gramsci, Herbert Marcuse, and Theodor Adorno, four fanatical early twentieth-century socialists, and their role in fomenting the culture-war against Western ideals.

And you will learn how blatantly racist Latin-American organizations are preaching the annexation of the American south-west.

This is a wake-up call.
The West IS worth saving.
... Read more