Book Description
Ilan Pappe's book traces the history of Palestine from the Ottomans in the nineteenth century, through the British Mandate, the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948, and the subsequent wars and conflicts which have dominated this troubled region. The second edition of Pappe's book has been updated to include the dramatic events of the 1990s and the early twenty-first century. These years, which began with a sense of optimism, as the Oslo peace accord was being negotiated, culminated in the second intifada and the increase of militancy on both sides. Pappe explains the reasons for the failure of Oslo and the two-state solution, and reflects upon life thereafter as the Palestinians and Israelis battle it out under the shadow of the wall of separation. As in the first edition, it is the men, women and children of Palestine who are at the centre of Pappe's narrative. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (2)

Revisionist History? He Cites Himself!
This book is a sad example of revisionist history gone badly wrong. Pappe's perspective is a legitimate one to take - part of his argument is the oft-heard "Israelis stole Palestinian land" thesis. However Pappe fails to back up his ideas with any legitimate facts. Yasir Arafat was born in CAIRO, not Jerusalem. He "invents" the Tantura Massacre, which no major Israeli or Palestinian histories have EVER cited before his book. This is a book frought with unannounced bias and a sincere lack of good research (at certain points Pappe even cites himself in "works not yet published"). This is at best a poorly researched attempt to present the Palestinian arguments, and at worst a farce of lies.

History of Modern Palestine
This book corrects myths about the very, very early days of Zionism in Palestine, and continues to the current time.A must read for anyone with the slightest interest in how the Middle East is exploding, literally, every day.Peg McCormack ... Read more

Book Description

It is impossible to understand Palestine today without a careful reading of its distant and recent past. But until now there has been no single volume in English that tells the history of the events--from the Ottoman Empire to the mid-twentieth century--that shaped modern Palestine. The first book of its kind, A History of Palestine offers a richly detailed interpretation of this critical region's evolution.

Starting with the prebiblical and biblical roots of Palestine, noted historian Gudrun Krämer examines the meanings ascribed to the land in the Jewish, Christian, and Muslim traditions. Paying special attention to social and economic factors, she examines the gradual transformation of Palestine, following the history of the region through the Egyptian occupation of the mid-nineteenth century, the Ottoman reform era, and the British Mandate up to the founding of Israel in 1948. Focusing on the interactions of Arabs and Jews, A History of Palestine tells how these connections affected the cultural and political evolution of each community and Palestine as a whole.

Book Description

Customer Reviews (2)

A great intro
I was having a hard time putting this book down. It is a really good intro; I came in not knowing anything about the subject really.

My main complaint is that the maps are severely lacking.

A good start
Those readers who dare not venture into the thicket of controversial rhetoric blanketing the Arab-Israeli Conflict had best start with this slim pamphlet, which serves as thumbnail history of post-Ottoman/post-colonial Middle East, Zionism, and four generations of strife and state creation.

Meanwhile, the authors pause occasionally to note disagreement among their sources, highlighting forks in the socially constructed path of Arab-Israeli history.

This book is best used to help you decide what book you should read next on this difficult but important topic. But if you don't know much about the Arab-Israeli Conflict and have questions about current crises, reading this book alone will provide a quick and valuable lesson, up to but not including the 2006 Summer Lebanon War. ... Read more

Book Description
The enormous changes in the 1990s throughout the Middle East have necessitated this thoroughly revised edition of the standard introduction to the subject. Offering a balanced history of both Israeli and Arab goals, Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict covers the history of Palestine before Israeli independence in 1948 and brings the story forward to the breakthrough Arab-Israeli Accord of 1993 and its troubled aftermath. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (21)

Good with excellent primary sources
The Arab-Israeli conflict is one that touches on so many painful emotions and biases that no book will be deemed fair or unbiased by all concerned.However, Smith's book does a very good job of attempting to be as close to unbiased as possible.It is often used as a textbook in upper-level modern Middle East history courses for just that reason.It is good choice for someone who is new to the subject (other than the inescapable news coverage) and really wants to understand some of the issues invovled throughout the history of the conflict.

One of the strongest things about Smith's book is the inclusion of a number of primary sources.Other than disputing the translations, no one can deny that primary sources are as close to an honest look at history as we can get.Documents are included from many sides of the issues involved and no side comes out either squeekly clean nor as pure evil.

Another strength I found, to differ with another reviewers opinion, is that the book starts quite far back in the history of the conflict.As the mythologizing of the roots of Israel as a nation has been worked into the official stance of all sides, each for their own purposes, understanding what happened at the beginning is of utmost importance if you really want to grasp the subject.This is a good book that does it's best with a difficult subject and goes into some depth in addition to excellent primary source material.

Read with care and caution
Like some other reviewers, I too bought this book for a college course and I too find it overly biased toward the Arab point of view.The author has the right to draw his own conclusions, but like any non-fiction book, readers must use their own judgement to evaluate those conclusions carefully.I don't know if there is an author without bias on this topic due to its sensitivity.

It is also horribly dry in my opinion.I know it's supposed to be, but certain sections just drag on and on, it seems, uneccessarily.

Read critically, not literally.If you have a choice (i.e. don't have to buy this particular book for a course or something) choose a more balanced author, if you can find one.

A Good Historical Overview But More Recent Events are Biased
The book is a fairly concise and accurate overview of the Arab-Israeli conflict. It covers ancient Jewish history, the beginnings of Zionism, the emergence of Israel, the Arab Wars and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Most of the coverage is well researched and documented.

The closing chapters of the book are undoubtedly biased towards the Palestinian account. One example is the coverage of the Barak-Arafat-Clinton negotiations in 2000. Smith portrays Barak as a man whose intentions were not to conduct honest negotiations but rather "carefully calculated, intended to appear more amenable to the United States." Smith writes that "there was never an Israeli offer." Further, Smith asserts that Barak was manipulating the media in order to force them to present a positive account of Israeli negotiations. Arafat's refusal to make any counter offer, or contribute to the negotiations -- as asserted by President Clinton and the U.S. chief negotiater -- are not mentioned. Smith also does not fault Palestinian terrorism -- the systematic, often daily suicide bombings experienced by Israel -- for turning Israeli public opinion against further peace talks. According to Smith, the blame lies solely on Sharon and his visit to the Temple Mount and Palestinian frustration.

Smith's discussion of the Intifada speaks in terms of Israeli attacks and Palestinian "armed response." In fact, Israel had been initially very reserved in its replies to suicide bombings. Israeli interests do not lie in a military occupation of the Palestinian territories, unless necessary to alleviate security risk.

Admittedly, I have an opinion about whose fault the failure of the Camp David II was. It is acceptable for the author to take an opposite view. However, in a book that claims to be a non-biased textbook for college use, the topic should be presented with acknowledgement of differing opinions. Especially, when the book presents an account that is largely a contrast to the established narrative (a narrative that there is no reason to believe is inaccurate).

My rating is still positive because the book is a valuable resource in its coverage of earlier time periods. However, this book should be used with other materials for balance.

Read this book
A perfectly balanced, non-biased, facts only, well documented, concise and detailed account. An excellent book to be read by all who wish to have an in-depth knowledge of what went and goes on in that part of the world.

A great survey of the everlasting conflict
Great book...easy to read for a history text.Read it over a weekend and actually stayed awake.Up to date discussion and documents add value to the study of the topic.

Highly recommend. ... Read more

Book Description

Amazon.com
The crowning achievement of JimmyCarter's presidency was the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt,and he has continued his public and private diplomacy ever since, winningthe Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 for his decades of work for peace, humanrights, and international development. He has been a tireless author sincethen as well, writing bestselling books on his childhood, his faith, andAmerican history and politics, but in Palestine: Peace NotApartheid, he has returned to the Middle East and to the question ofIsrael's peace with its neighbors--in particular, how Israeli sovereigntyand security can coexist permanently and peacefully with Palestiniannationhood.

It's a rare honor to ask questions of a former president, and we aregrateful that President Carter was able to take the time in between hiswork with his wife, Rosalynn, for the Carter Center and Habitat forHumanity and his many writing projects to speak with us about his hopesfor the region and his thoughts on the book.

A big thank you to President Carter for granting our request for aninterview.

An Interview with President Jimmy Carter

Q: What has been the importanceof your own faith in your continued interest in peace in the MiddleEast?
A: As a Christian, I worship the Prince of Peace. One ofmy preeminent commitments has been to bring peace to the people who livein the Holy Land. I made my best efforts as president and still have thisas a high priority.

Q: A common theme in your years ofMiddle East diplomacy has been that leaders on both sides have often beenmore open to discussion and change in private than in public. Do you thinkthat's still the case?
A: Yes. This is why private and intensenegotiations can be successful. More accurately, however, my premise hasbeen that the general public (Jewish, Christian, and Muslim) are moreeager for peace than their political leaders. For instance, a recent polldone by the Hebrew University in Jerusalem showed that 58% of Israelis and81% of the Palestinians favor a comprehensive settlement similar to theRoadmap for Peace or the Saudi proposal adopted by all 23 Arab nations andrecently promoted by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. Tragically,there have been no substantive peace talks during the past sixyears.

Q: How have the war in Iraq and the increasedstrength of Iran (and the declarations of their leaders against Israel)changed the conditions of the Israel-Palestine question?
A:Other existing or threatened conflicts in the region greatly increase theimportance of Israel's having peace agreements with its neighbors, tominimize overall Arab animosity toward both Israel and the United Statesand reduce the threat of a broader conflict.

Q: Your use ofthe term "apartheid" has been a lightning rod in the response to yourbook. Could you explain your choice? Were you surprised by the reaction?
A: The book is about Palestine, the occupied territories, andnot about Israel. Forced segregation in the West Bank and terribleoppression of the Palestinians create a situation accurately described bythe word. I made it plain in the text that this abuse is not based onracism, but on the desire of a minority of Israelis to confiscate andcolonize Palestinian land. This violates the basic humanitarian premiseson which the nation of Israel was founded. My surprise is that mostcritics of the book have ignored the facts about Palestinian persecutionand its proposals for future peace and resorted to personal attacks on theauthor. No one could visit the occupied territories and deny that the bookis accurate.

Q: You write in the book that "the peaceprocess does not have a life of its own; it is not self-sustaining." Whatwould you recommend that the next American president do to revive it?
A: I would not want to wait two more years. It is encouragingthat President George W. Bush has announced that peace in the Holy Landwill be a high priority for his administration during the next two years.On her January trip to the region, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice hascalled for early U.S.-Israeli-Palestinian peace talks. She has recommendedthe 2002 offer of the Arab nations as a foundation for peace: fullrecognition of Israel based on a return to its internationally recognizedborders. This offer is compatible with official U.S. Government policy,previous agreements approved by Israeli governments in 1978 and 1993, andwith the International Quartet's "roadmap for peace." My book proposesthat, through negotiated land swaps, this "green line" border be modifiedto permit a substantial number of Israelis settlers to remain inPalestine. With strong U.S. pressure, backed by the U.N., Russia, and theEuropean Community, Israelis and Palestinians would have to come to thenegotiating table.

1/18/2007

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From Publishers Weekly
The term "good-faith" is almostinappropriate when applied to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, a bloodystruggle interrupted every so often by negotiations that turn out to beanything but honest. Nonetheless, thirty years after his first trip to theMideast, former President Jimmy Carter still has hope for a peaceful,comprehensive solution to the region's troubles, delivering this informedand readable chronicle as an offering to the cause. An engineer of the1978 Camp David Accords and 2002 recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize,Carter would seem to be a perfect emissary in the Middle East, animpartial and uniting diplomatic force in a fractured land. Not entirelyso. Throughout his work, Carter assigns ultimate blame to Israel, arguingthat the country's leadership has routinely undermined the peace processthrough its obstinate, aggressive and illegal occupation of territoriesseized in 1967. He's decidedly less critical of Arab leaders, acceptingtheir concern for the Palestinian cause at face value, and including theiranti-Israel rhetoric as a matter of course, without much in the way ofcounter-argument. Carter's book provides a fine overview for thoseunfamiliar with the history of the conflict and lays out aninternationally accepted blueprint for peace.
Copyright © Reed BusinessInformation, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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Book Description
Following his #1 New York Times bestseller, Our Endangered Values, the former president, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, offers an assessment of what must be done to bring permanent peace to Israel with dignity and justice to Palestine.

President Carter, who was able to negotiate peace between Israel and Egypt, has remained deeply involved in Middle East affairs since leaving the White House. He has stayed in touch with the major players from all sides in the conflict and has made numerous trips to the Holy Land, most recently as an observer in the Palestinian elections of 2005 and 2006.

In this book President Carter shares his intimate knowledge of the history of the Middle East and his personal experiences with the principal actors, and he addresses sensitive political issues many American officials avoid. Pulling no punches, Carter prescribes steps that must be taken for the two states to share the Holy Land without a system of apartheid or the constant fear of terrorism.

The general parameters of a long-term, two-state agreement are well known, the president writes. There will be no substantive and permanent peace for any peoples in this troubled region as long as Israel is violating key U.N. resolutions, official American policy, and the international "road map" for peace by occupying Arab lands and oppressing the Palestinians. Except for mutually agreeable negotiated modifications, Israel's official pre-1967 borders must be honored. As were all previous administrations since the founding of Israel, U.S. government leaders must be in the forefront of achieving this long-delayed goal of a just agreement that both sides can honor.

Palestine Peace Not Apartheid is a challenging, provocative, and courageous book. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (656)

Sensitive Issue, Tough Solutions
This is one of the most sensitive issues of our time, Israel and Palestine. Though many people love to condemn Jimmy Carter for writing this book, it is one of courage and sadly is the the truth. One onlyhas to examine both sides of this conflict and the Zionist agenda. Not all Jews are Zionist but the government of Israel is.
Calling out the Israeli Government for their control over the Palestinians is not Anti-Semitic, it is the moral thing to do. Jimmy being a good Christian man sees this and morally knows better. Israel and America is not a black and white issue because there are so many gray areas in between.
Also, with the growing movment of Christian Zionism, and this cults undying support for the nation of Israel, has caused much bias and division in the Christian Church. After all, if your a Christian that opposses any of Israel's actions, you are a nonimal Christian. Christian Zionism is also politically involved with the liazon between America, AIPC and Israel. The focus has become one of Biblical Prophecy than Jesus Christ Himself. Sadly, I don't think Jesus would be proud of Christian support for heinous actions in Israel toward the Palestinians. Israel is not to be worshipped, only God Himself. Jesus was not invloved in politics and nor should Christians be.
Point blank, the Palestinians are an oppressed people with terrorism used as an excuse to round them up like cattle. Sadly, to critique Israel as a nation, one is reduced to being Anti-Semitic. But wait!!! Arabs being descended from Abraham through Ishmael are a Semitic people as well.
Israel became a nation in 1948, they will be held responsible as any other nation. I do not see anywhere in the Torah that people are to treat other people in this way, this they will be held accountable. I believe the Jewish government is, Godless.
Jimmy Carter is a good man, and woe unto them that call good evil and evil good.

The Middle East described and solutions offered
The former President Carter describes the history of the major players in the Middle East in relation to israel and offers his solutions to bringing about peace. He is obviously a smart man and this book is concise in its approach to offering solutions with the different players involved. What I enjoyed are some of the small incidents that he experienced on his trips, that I wont reveal here, but offer some interesting humor to this book.

wacky but has some virtues
I gave this two stars because if you're going to build an anti-Israel rant, this is a good one to read because (a) I could see how he twists the facts, by emphasizing the facts that make Israel look bad and downplaying the reality of Arab terrorism and (b) it is short and a fast read.

Having said that... other reviewers have taken apart Carter's factual claims so I'll just make a few observations here and there:

*Carter's actual remedy is fairly noncontroversial, and probably no different from what most supporters of Israel would endorse (a two-state solution with the Arabs getting most of what they lost in 1967).But the problem is: how do you enforce it?Israel is a centralized state and thus might actually comply with a peace treaty.But the Arabs have so many small militias (Islamic Jihad, Hamas, etc.) that even in the incredibly unlikely event that every single one of them signs on to a peace treaty, part of that group will probably splinter off into its own little jihad cell, engaging in terrorist attacks in Israel and thus depriving Israel of the benefits of any treaty.If the war in Iraq has taught us anything, it is that a few well-armed malcontents can make a nation ungovernable.

*Carter writes as if Israel has been steadily gobbling up territory, based on the movement of Jews into the occupied territories. But in fact, Israel has been gradually giving up territory, with lousy results.First they gave Sinai to the Egyptians (which hasn't worked out so badly).Then, in the 1990s, they gave a chunk of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority; the Palestinian Authority responded with the 2000 war. (Carter's description of these events is bizarre; he states that Israel got "much more" than Arafat, even though Israel was the nation giving away land for promises).

Then they basically gave Gaza to Hamas; Hamas responded with the current mini-war.When Israel has given up land, it has generally not gotten peace, or even the approval of Carter (who treats each award of land to the Arabs as a provocation because of its inadequacy).So why should Israel fall for the same trap again?

*Carter admits that Arabs had "no real commitment to establish a separate and independent nation" in the 19th century.Instead, "Strong ideas of nationhood began to take shape among the Arabs only when they saw increasing numbers of Zionists immigrate to Palestine."In other words, the so-called "Palestinian people" only exists because of anti-Semitism.If that is the case, why should their so-called nationalism be accommodated?

*Carter complains that Israel has withheld taxes "collected on behalf of the Palestinians."If Israel is so malevolent, why is Israel giving money to Arabs who are trying to kill them?

*Carter treats the 2000 war against Israel mostly by ignoring it.He writes that in 2006, the Arab leader Abbas informed him "that there had been no opportunity for a Palestinian leader to participate in peace talks for the past five years..."Carter simply does not mention that the absence of peace talks might have something to do with the fact that the Arabs were busy conducting suicide bombings inside Israel.

*Carter is obsessed with U.N. resolutions requiring Israel to give up the "occupied territories."Given the U.N.'s repeated singling out for Israel for attack (including the "Zionism = racism" resolution in the 1970s) isn't the U.N. essentially a kangaroo court?Most of its members are either dependent on Arab oil or have good reason to fear Arab terrorism (especially after the spread of al-Qaeda).

*Carter mentions that Hebron has 450 Jews and 150,000 Arabs.If Israel has been engaged in ethnic cleansing, obviously it hasn't been very successful.

A real description of the Palestinian - Israeli conflict
I haven't really understood what the issue between Palestinians and Israelis is until reading this book. I was exposed just to what the American media had to say. After I read this book I realized just how biased the information from the media is. I believe that this book uncovers the real issue on the Palestinian Israeli conflict. It starts with a history of the region and continues with the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian land and it describes the injustice towards the Palestinians and the denial of their basic human rights.

A light and enlightening read
It is interesting - in fact revealing and more than a bit sad - that this useful little book was so controversial at the time of its release. That controversy reflects our society's stubborn reluctance and inability to consider objectively, discuss openly, and address pragmatically and morally the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Mr. Carter's book makes a fine contribution to a discussion that is still waiting to happen. With characteristic humility and sympathy, he asks our political leaders, the Jewish community, and, yes, also the Palestinians and Arab world to deal more honestly and realistically with resolving how these two peoples can live peacefully in this tiny space. He provides the reader a good background on how the situation has developed up to today and rightfully implores that the Palestinians be treated with justice and decency. The book is an easy read that is nevertheless richly enlightening. ... Read more

Book Description

In this ground-breaking new edition of The Israel/Palestine Question, Ilan Pappé showcases some of the most recent areas of scholarly interest in the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Including only works which challenge previous conceptions and paradigms, Ilan Pappé emphasizes a number of recent developments in the conventional historiography.

All the chapters in this new edition are written by Israeli or Palestinian scholars, illustrating how much the drive to revisit the history of the conflict comes from historians belonging to the conflicting parties. The book also presents work influenced by wider historiographical developments, for instance the current interdisciplinary drive, as well as a sceptical view of elite historical narratives and the rise of non-elite history.

This new edition includes:

• revisionist views on the formation of Palestine
• revised sections on the history of the 1948 war and the experiences of Palestinians in Israel
• a new section on womens history.

With a fully updated introduction, Ilan Pappé's timely anthology is essential reading for all those who are interested in the history and politics of the Middle East.

Customer Reviews (2)

Au Contraire!
I strongly recommend this book for all who approach life with open mind and the heart of a student.I suspect the "Shalom Freedom" commentator does not fall under that category.

There is an old Middle-Eastern saying:"One can learn a lot about a person by looking at his enemies."If Ilan Pappe's work is attacked because it takes a far more nuanced view of the bloody conflict between Palestinians and Israel, then that reason by itself warrants the study of its content.After reading this book, I wonder if some Israelies would still be so dismissive of political equality for Palestinians if it was the Palestinians who had the guns and the military might that Israel enjoys today.Please read this book even if you have already made up your mind about what you think it proposes.

How low can you go
The editor of this volume Ilan Pappe has devoted his academic career to deligitimizing the state in which he lives and works. He has slandered Israelat every possible opportunity, always denying and covering up the basic truth that the source of the conflict between Israelis and Arabs has always been the refusal of the Arabs to live in peace with a Jewish state, even in a small part of the Holy Land. Pappe ignores the daily propaganda of the Palestinians, the hatefilled rhetoric that has accompanied the conflict from its outset. Even more importantly
all his retellings ignore the part the Palestinians, and the Arab states have played in initiating aggression against Israel.
Pappe is a low- grade propagandist and Benedict Arnold.
Who reads him reads misinformation only. ... Read more

Book Description
In the encounter with Hellenism which confronted the Jews of Palestine in the form of Greek, Roman and finally Christian supremacy, a Judaism developed which had far outgrown its biblical origins and which was to influence the history of Europe from the Middle Ages to the present day.
The History of the Jews in Antiquity examines the political history of the Jewish people in Palestine in terms of political activity and more particularly social, economics and religious circumstances. The Jews of antiquity are presented as both the subject and the object of history as they attempt to achieve their political and social goals in a variety of changing circumstances.
The period chosen for this study is that represented by the global domination of Hellenism, from the conquest of Palestine by Alexander the Great in the second half of the fourth century BCE until the seizure of the land by the Arabs in the seventh century CE. ... Read more

Book Description
Three battles for the control of the key fortress-city of Gaza took place in 1917 between the `British' force (with units from across the Empire, most notably the ANZACs) and the Turks. The Allies were repulsed twice but on their third attempt, under the newly-appointed General Allenby, a veteran of the Western Front where he was a vocal critic of Haig's command, finally penetrated Turkish lines, captured southern Palestine and, as instructed by Lloyd George, took Jerusalem in time for Christmas, ending 400 years of Ottoman occupation. This third battle, similar in many ways to the contemporaneous fighting in France, is at the heart of this account, with consideration of intelligence, espionage, air-warfare, and diplomatic and political elements, not to mention the logistical and medical aspects of the campaign, particularly water. The generally overlooked Turkish defence, in the face of vastly superior numbers, is also assessed. Far from laying out and executing a pre-ordained plan, Allenby, who is probably still best remembered as T. E. Lawrence's commanding officer in Arabia, was flexible and adaptable, responding to developments as they occurred.JOHN D. GRAINGER is the author of numerous books on military history, ranging from the Roman period to the twentieth century. ... Read more

Book Description
This important, wide-ranging book examines how Palestine became a Holy Land to Christians and how their ideas and feelings toward the land of the Bible evolved as Christians lived there and made it their own. Robert L. Wilken traces the Christian conception of a Holy Land from its origins in the Hebrew Bible to the Muslim conquest of Jerusalem in the seventh century and also discusses how Jews responded to the Christianization of the Land of Israel. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (3)

Excellent Scholarship
This is a very well written, scholarly work.The style is graceful enough that a laymen ca appreciate what is clearly a lifetime of work on Wilken's part, while also remaining useful to it's intended academic audience.

It is very important to note that this book only goes up to the Muslim conquest of 638/40.Do not get this expecting to get a picture of medieval or modern Christian beliefs of the Holy Land.This fact in particular makes some previous reviews of the book distressingly misplaced.If you are interested, as so many are after "the Davinci Code", in the origins of Christianity, this is an excellent, challenging, and scholarly work that will be well worth your time.If you are interested in the Crusades or the modern conflict over Palestine, this will serve as deep background, but you'll have to fill in the gaps with other books.

What?
I really don't know what the other reviewer here is complaining about.I can only assume that by "modernist," he means "scholarly."Wilken is a scholar of early Christianity primiarily and any quick look at what this book is about would indicate how the author intended to tackle the question of the Holy Land.Any complaint of a lack of discussion about Muslim-Jewish conflict is a misunderstanding: the book effectively ends with the Muslim conquest of Israel!It has an area of focus, which should be taken for what it is worth.

As a review of Christian interpretations and understandings of the Holy Land, the book is excellent, particularly for someone one terribly familiar with the field.The opening sections discuss Jewish understanding.Wilken goes on to briefly analyze the New Testament sources.A large section of the book is devoted to early church fathers (Origen, Eusebius, Irenaeus and Justin Martyr in particular) and their writings on the city and the holy land.Overall, my only complaint is that some more time and space could have been devoted to a discussion of New Testament sources.This would have been interesting, at least just to see Wilken's opinion on difficult passages.He stops well short of a real textual analysis, leaving some questions he raises unanswered.His use of a variety of sources is compelling, interesting and shows a commendable thoroughness.

As an introduction to a general study of the holy land in Christian perspective, it would serve anyone quite well.If you want to get more into interpretation of the NT sources, I have found PWL Walker's Jesus and the Holy City and WD Davies' The Gospel and the Land to be informative.The latter is older, but more thorough and, at least for me, comes across with less troublesome spots.

A modernist introduction to Christian Palestine.
While this book's topic is Christianity and Palestine, the author's impious approach makes it hard to understand why anyone would care that Muslims and Jews (not to mention the Crusader incubus of Latin"Christians") are forcing indigenous Christianity out ofPalestine.This book is worth reading as an introduction to Christianreverence for Palestine, but only for that. ... Read more

Book Description
"A brilliant achievement. By far the mostcomprehensive analysis of the political economy of Palestine andPalestinians in the twentieth century." (Times Literary Supplement)

Palestine and the Palestinians is a sweeping social, economic,ideological, and political history of the Palestinian people, fromantiquity to the Road Map to Peace. This second edition is thoroughlyrevised and updated, including entirely new chapters on the most currentissues confronting Palestine today, including: Palestinians in Israel; theOslo Accords and the Second Intifada; Palestinian refugees and the rightto return; Jerusalem; the diplomatic "peace process" andtwo-state/single-state solutions. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (5)

confusing, does not contribute to a better understanding of the issues
A hard to read polemic

Very Good Book, But From One Point of View
Palestine and the Palestinians is a unique source of valuable information about the people of Palestine.The authors told a compelling story with a tremendous amount of information.In addition to the usual political and military litany, the book also places special emphasis on the social and economic aspects of the poignant Palestinian existence.It is hard not to develop sympathy for the Palestinian people after reading this exposition of what they have gone through, and how much they have suffered in the 20th century.

I will also point out that this book presents a decidedly one-sided view.Although the authors pointed out, and documented in considerable detail, the inherent problems within the Palestinian cause: deeply fractured leadership lacking consensus in regard to goals and means, embrace of violence, conflicts with the nationalist Arabic regimes, the incompetent and self-serving acts of their leader Yasser Arafat, etc., they (the authors) nonetheless put the lion's share of the blame on Israel.They insisted on holding Israel to high standards of well-established Western democracies while Palestinian transgressions were given a gentle touch and often with historic and contemporaneous excuses.

I don't know if it is the Arab people, the Muslim culture, ideology, or just the desert wind, but even as the book's authors are high educated, cool-headed and analytical, they, and most vocal Palestinian supporters, seem to lack a few commonsense elements in their framework of thought and analysis:a) When you are in a position of weakness, you don't hold on to a wish list and demand 100% satisfaction immediately. b) In this time and age, violence, especially terror visited on civilians will arouse anger and contempt rather than sympathy. c) Jews also suffered greatly historically, in fact much more than Palestinians.Israeli leadership will not let stand any development that could jeopardize their security or diminish their ability to defend their country and their people.Consider this:

In a conversation in between Benjamin Netayahu and Chinese premier Jiang Zemin, they noted that the Chinese, the Indians and the Jews are the three oldest peoples in the world.Netayahu pointed out that there are 1.2 billions Chinese today, 1 billion Indians and only 12 million Jews, and asked the Chinese premier why.The latter had no answer.Netayahu then said, "...but they all boil down to one big thing.You, the Chinese kept China; the Indians kept India. But the Jews lost our land and were dispersed into the four corners of the earth... culminating in our greatest catastrophe in the twentieth century..."

The similar tragedies of the two peoples (one historic and the other contemporary) suggest that rather than regarding Jews as their mortal enemy, the Palestinians may do well to emulate Jews instead: to educate their young, to build human capital in marketable skills (rather than martyrdom,) to be respectful of other people and cultures, and to work realistically with what you have.Will the Palestinians ever see this kind of leadership vision?The unfortunate fact is that most Middle East Muslims are still not done fighting the Crusaders.

Back to the book:it is exceedingly informative, but you must also get the other point of view (and their selection of data) to understand the whole picture. I might add that many books on this controversial and emotional subject tend to be unavoidably one-sided or otherwise incomplete. The book is well written with a lucid style, and one of the best in presenting the Palestinian view, and deserves to be read by those who want to go beyond sound-bite politics.

History with an attitude
I found this book to be an excellent resource for historical, cultural, and economic issues relating to the Palestinians.However, the authors have written with a discernable, pro-Palestinian bias.The bias is definitely anti-Britian, anti-American, and anti-Israeli.The authors' attempt at fairness by criticizing Arafat does not make the book balanced overall.If you can read past the biases, there is some excellent information in this book on the plight of the Palestinian people.The authors could have achieved five stars with me by just presenting the facts about the Palestinians and omitting the frequent condescensions.

Gained insight.
This book is excellent. Through the reading I gained insight from the perspective of the Palestinians who were displaced from their homeland. I have personal friends in Jordan and this book helped me to understand whattheir families suffered through. Very comprehensive, covering many areas ofthis subject.

Best work on Palestine and the Palestinians!!
Really superb! I couldn't put it down! ... Read more

Book Description
Palestine: A Guide is an insider's look at where, and how, Palestinians live today. This remarkable tour through the historic Palestinian homeland is guided by some of the country's most gifted writers, journalists, academics and photographers.

Intimate and honest, this guidebook offers an insider's key to understanding the Palestinians and their relationship to their homeland, past and present. Explore the monuments of the past, as well as the vibrant towns, cities, hamlets and refugee camps of an emerging nation. Palestine: A Guide offers the visitor an authentic vision of why, despite lacking legal status as a state, Palestine is a real place on the world map. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (5)

An excellent guidebook
This book was a wonderful asset during our visit to Palestine. It provided a needed historical/cultural background in a setting where history is being brutally erased by colonial powers and difficult to find. It is well documented and beautifully illustrated, I strongly recommend it!

Excellent guide
This was an excellent guide to Palestinian culture during our travels to Palestine this summer. I highly recommend it for travel or for insight into Palestinian culture.

Curiously Delluded
Shahin, as expounded by Daniel Pipes, described as journalist and author, has written a most curious guidebook. The genre normally aspires to help the traveler find his way, but this one has the grander aspiration to "search for all things Palestinian--past and present--in historic Palestine." In other words, its goal is political, not touristic. The guidebook dimension is nominal with no street addresses, much less opening and closing hours, evaluations of hotels and restaurants, or other practical advice.

Perhaps the book's strangest aspect is the pretense that Israel does not exist--symbolically eliminating the Jewish state in anticipation of the PLO, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad actually doing so. Thus, Jaffa fills up a chapter of twenty pages while the vastly larger city of Tel Aviv is barely mentioned, and then through gritted teeth. On the other hand, what Shahin refers to as the "massive and horrific" Wall (always with a capital "W") has a chapter of its own.

Conceptualized as a propaganda tool, the guidebook contains more than its share of inaccuracies. The first page falsely informs that "Palestine is a Holy Land to Muslims." The assertion that "archeologists have yet to verify the historic existence" of the Temple of Solomon is laughable nonsense. And Lord Balfour was hardly "of Jewish descent."

More surprising are the candid assertions that spring up between the tired anti-Zionist tropes. Palestinians are said to include Jews as well as Muslims and Christians, a rare inclusion. The comparison of Palestinians in Jordan to Jews in the United States got me thinking. "Many Lebanese blamed the PLO and its policies for the destruction of their country" must have slipped in when someone was not looking. And one sentence required three readings before I could believe my eyes, stating that the Arab population of Palestine grew in the 1930s partly because "the British and Jewish capital infusion to the country created jobs." That's a thesis, first articulated by Joan Peters (and forwarded in the Middle East Quarterly by Fred Gottheil) that anti-Zionist elements vehemently deny.

As I say, it's a curiosity, an artifact unique to the Arab-Israeli conflict.

A world without Jews
For those who wish for a world without Israel or Jews, this is the guide for you. All the land between the Jordan River and Med. Sea is called Palestine, in effect wiping Israel off the map. Iran would be proud!

Rich land and people
Palestine is a thick and juicy travel book. It is rich in the arts, in architecture, in culture. It is a journey through history, through the land and the people of Palestine and Gaza - with an array of visual feasts in Azar's photography.

If you have never been to these places, this book will give substance to sound bites and media clips, and may entice you to look more closely. If you enjoy photography, travel, cultural studies, literature, conflict studies, cooking, textiles, or dancing this is the perfect book for you.

The appendices are full of information for travel as well as a listing of hotels and restaurants, as well as resources for refugees (and others) including NGO's and local community organizations.

Palestine a Guide is more than a travel book. It is a book of love and beauty. ... Read more

Book Description
By all accounts, the 1948 Palestine war was one of the most significant milestones in the modern history of the Middle East and remains one of the most intractable conflicts of modern times. Israelis call the 1948 war "The War of Independence" while Arabs call it al-Nakba or the disaster. The conventional Israeli version portrays 1948 as an unequal struggle between a Jewish David and an Arab Goliath, as a desperate, heroic, and ultimately successful battle for survival against overwhelming odds. In this version all the surrounding Arab states sent their armies into Palestine to strangle the Jewish state at birth and the Palestinians left the country on orders from their own leaders and in the expectation of a triumphal return.Since the late 1980s, however, a group of "new historians" or revisionist Israeli historians have challenged many of the claims surrounding the birth of the State of Israel and the first Arab-Israeli war.The present volume was conceived as a contribution to the ongoing debate about 1948. The War for Palestine brings together leading Israeli new historians with prominent Arab and Western scholars of the Middle East who revisit 1948 from the perspective of each of the countries involved in the war. The result is a volume that is rich in new material and new insights and which enhances considerably our understanding of the historical roots of the Arab-Israeli conflict.Eugene L. Rogan is a Lecturer in Modern History of the Middle East, Fellow of St. Anthony's College, and Director of the Middle East Centre at the University of Oxford. He is the author of Frontiers of State in the Late Ottoman Empire (Cambridge, 2000) and co-editor of Village, Steppe, and State: the Social Origins of Modern Jordan (St. Martin's, 1995). Avi Shlaim is a Professor of International Relations and Fellow of St. Anthony's College, University of Oxford, and he is also the Director of Graduate Studies in International Relations. He is the author of several books, the most recent one being The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World (Norton, 1999). Professor Shlaim is a frequent contributor to newspapers and a media commentator on Middle Eastern affairs. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (12)

Biased From Start to Finish
This book only quotes leftist Israelis and Arabs. No mainstream Israeli historians are considered. The book takes a side while claiming to be an unbiased historical work.

New History but decent History
Despite the fact that this book contains work of the 'New Historians' it contains their strongest arguments rather than their weaker ones.The New Historians have tried to examine the history of Israel in a critical matter, trying to re-examine key events and re-write portions of them due to new research.In some cases such as Pappe this has meant a distortion of the historical record, however in the case of Morris and Parsons this has merely meant a true excavation of the historical record.

This is a collection of short essays, most of which are in book form elsewhere.Parsons deals with the Druze relationship and efforts by both the Druze and the Zionists to craft a shared history, Morris examines the refugee problem and Shlaim looks at the 'collusion' with Jordan.A good taste of newish history of Israel, however some of the work is a bit dated today.This book does not stand alone, it examines a few key elements of the conflict, there are better books on the 1948 war, for instance O'Jerusalem, or Genises 1948.

Seth J. Frantzman

Standard Factless Arab Narrative...
From King's College, London, Efraim Karsh wrote: "Rewriting the history of 1948" is rather misleading, for the essays in question do not so much rewrite history but rather endorse the standard Arab narrative - the one in which Palestinians and other Arabs are on the receiving end of predatory Zionist aggression. Israeli academics and journalists who call themselves the "New Historians" have been pushing this theme since the late 1980s and The War for Palestine adds little new or original to these efforts except that they have invited some sympathetic Arabists and Arab academics, including Edward Said and Rashid Khalidi, to join in their efforts. The contributors whitewash the violent Palestinian attempt to abort the United Nations resolution of November 1947. They downplay the pan-Arab invasion of the newly-established state of Israel in May 1948 (euphemized as the "entry of Palestine" by Arab armies).

There seems to be a general consensus among the book's contributors (and also the publisher) that the Arab narrative needs no serious rethinking. Khalidi speaks for them when he justifies the absence of Palestinian "new historians" to shatter the "myths" on the Arab side: "It is not a myth ... that as a result of [Israeli aggression] the Palestinian people were victims, regardless of what they might have done differently in this situation of formidable difficulty, and of the sins of omission or commission of their leaders."

Most of the contributors are oblivious to the Palestinian version having little to do with reality, as best that can be reconstructed through contemporary accounts and reaffirmed by the millions of records in Israeli and Western archives. While the declassification of those documents constitutes the alleged raison d'être of the entire genre of Israeli "new history," little of this large body of evidence is tapped by the volume's contributors. Khalidi and Said make no use whatsoever of archival source material and instead engage in sweeping and misconceived assertions about the origin and scope of the Palestinian exodus; others, such as Rogan and Fawaz Gerges, quote the odd document in support of their case.

Avi Shlaim claims to have "overturned the myth of the Arab Goliath" during the 1948 War but there is nothing here from the archives of the Israeli Defense Forces or its pre-state precursor, the Haganah. Benny Morris makes the IDF and Haganah foremost culprits of the Palestinian exodus but has not consulted the archives of these two military organizations.1

1 There is more than meets the eye here. In The War for Palestine, Morris concedes that "when writing The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem 1947-1949 in the mid-1980s, I had no access to the materials in the IDFA [IDF Archive] or the Haganah Archive and precious little to first-hand military materials deposited elsewhere. Nonetheless, the new materials I have seen over the past few years tend to confirm and reinforce the major lines of description and analysis, and the conclusions, in The Birth and in a subsequent volume, 1948 and After, published in 1990." Morris inadvertently reveals the falsehood of "new historian" scholarly pretensions. This group insists on tracing its origin, indeed its raison d'être, to the opening of Israeli state archives in the late 1980s but now its foremost member admits to having written the single most influential "revisionist" work without the use of the most important archives.

To make matters worse, Morris also admits that "some of the material relating to the [Palestinian exodus] may have been open to researchers in the early and mid-1980s, when The Birth was written, but I was not then aware of its existence." In other words, Morris made no use of the Israeli archives due to his own ignorance.

Worthless
It has been a while since 1948, when five Arab nations launched an attack on Israel.The purpose of the attack was not to protect anyone.It was to obliterate human rights of Jews in the region.In effect, the Arabs were fighting for pride while the Jews were fighting for their lives.Not surprisingly, the Jews fought harder.And the Jews won.

Now some scholars have decided that the time has come to deny all this and rewrite this history, claiming not only that the Jews were arrogant aggressors, but that most Jews conspired to tell the same lies about it.It certainly serves no purpose to blame the victims of the Arab invasion in such a manner.If the cause the authors are fighting for loses, what will they have accomplished?If their cause wins, they will have struck a very counterproductive blow against scholarship, justice, and human rights.

Interesting material plodding book
Israel has won most of the propaganda battles over the story of its formation and its version of history has come to dominate current thinking. In recent years ironically a group of Israeli historians known to the world as the Revisionists have been exploring this history and suggesting that previous histories are inaccurate self-serving myths.

This book is an attempt to look at the war that gave rise to the creation of Israel as a state. The book is a collection of articles and with the exception of one article written by Benny Morris is rather leaden and academic never the less it raises some interesting issues. The last chapter by Edward Said moves away from academic objectivity and is a bit of pro-Palestinian propoganda but the other articles are interesting.

The basic foundation myth of Israel is that following the United Nations passing a motion supporting a partition plan, hostile Arab states invaded the area and were defeated by a heroic outnumbered Israeli army. Local Arabs reacting to calls from the invading powers left the area to become refugees. Their plight was self inflicted their claims to have their property returned were thus somehow illegitimate or irrelevant.

What the book shows is that most Arab states were reluctant to intervene and were not in a position to do so effectively. What in fact happened was that two wars occurred. The first prior to May 1948 saw the Haganah crush the local Arab forces. This led to strong pressure for the surrounding Arab states to intervene. However the surrounding states for their own reasons were reluctant to do so. Syria was more concerned about possible aggression from Jordan. Jordan had been busy negotiating a secret deal with Israel to occupy those parts of Palestine which were designated Arab. The Egyptians did not have the military capacity to launch a military action and it only occurred when Farouk overruled objections of his military commanders. At all times the Haganah had an advantage in numbers and was soon able to gain a decisive advantage in heavy weapons.

Benny Morris again shows that the flight of the Palestinians was not due to mythical broadcasts and his new essay is a significant departure from his earlier work suggesting that violence played a greater role than he previously suggested.

The book also makes it clear how the war altered the history of most of the Arab states. The failure of the Arab armies destroyed the legitimacy of those regimes who took power after de-colonisation. This in turn led to military coups in most Arab countries and started a tradition by which the military routinely became involved in politics. It also distorted the economy of these states as arming for further wars with Israel became a significant priority.

An interesting if book although it is rather dry and distinctly non riverting. ... Read more

Book Description
Throughout the world Palestinians have often been viewed through narrow prisms of "terrorists" or "victims."This comprehensive collection of oral histories brings to life generations of Palestinians, those living in the occupied territories as well as those in the far-flung exile of the Palestinians, those living in the occupied territories as well as those in the far-flung exile of the Palestinian diaspora.

The editors travelled throughout Israel and the occupied territories to find the multi-generational families living in towns, villages and refugee camps whose voices resonate in Homeland.These are Palestinians who lost their homes in 1948, who grew up as refugees in Jordan or Lebanon after the dispossessions of 1949 or 1967, women battling for their land as well as their rights, former prisoners, farmers, workers, children and great-grandparents.

Homeland poignantly links the people to the land, the attachment to which has created and sustained Palestinian national identity around the world.These are stories of loss, of exile, of remembering. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (2)

Brilliant
facts cannot be doubted, this is a real good read, gives a great overview on the whole problem of the MiddleEast.
go on, have a look!

A wonderful book
This book is very well organized and edited, and it includes a helpful index.It contains the stories of Palestinians from all walks of life.Some of them are tragic, others disturbing, and still others heartwarming.The translations are very good. It also steers clear of all the usual clichés about Israelis and Palestinians.
If you've ever wondered how Israeli policies over the last 50 years have opressed Palestinians and helped to create both their rage and despair, I recommend that you read this book. ... Read more

Book Description

Customer Reviews (2)

Not The Whole Truth
This is a very well written book by a very good author.The discussion of his own family history is especially well done.However, as is almost always the case when a Palestinian writes of the events leading to the 1948 partition of Palestine (and the founding of the State of Israel), Sabbagh is very selective in his presentation of the facts and what transpired.He always presents the Arab Palestinians as committing acts of violence against the Jews of Palestine in response to Jewish actions, and never accepts responsibility for the actions initiated by Arabs against the Jews.

The most glaring omission is a total lack of reference to the 900,000 Jewish refugees from Arab and Muslim countries, people who were forced from their homes to a much greater degree than were the Palestinian Arabs.Jews were massacred in Iraq, Libya, Syria, and other Arab countries during the period of Sabbaghs narrative and most were forced to leave by abandoning all of their property.Virtually the entire Jewish population of the Middle East fled (between 1947 and 1968), with the majority taken in as citizens of the new State of Israel.Few Arab authors ever mention this, as it raises the question of why the Arab countries have kept the Palestinian Arabs in refugee camps to this very day in Syria, Lebanon, Gaza and the West Bank.A more truthful account would raise questions like: Why is it to this day that a Palestinian Muslim (unlike any other Muslim) is not allowed to become a citizen of Saudi Arabia?

Puts a Personal Face on Ordinary Palestinians
Too often, images of Palestinians in the West are dominated by suicide bombings and terrorist groups, and their cause is not presented in a way that could lead any person to sympathize with it. This book tells the story of the Palestinians you don't see on TV-the ordinary men, women, and children who were robbed of their land by an alien group whose ancestors had been gone from that land for 2000 years. Sabbagh refutes some commonly held-but very inacurate-beliefs, such as the idea that the name "Palestine" is a 20th century invention, and the idea that Palestine was uninhabited before the Israelis came-indeed, he tells the stories of the Arabs-including his own ancestors-who lived on the land for hundreds of years before Zionism was thought up. The history moves into the 20th century, relating the stories of Sabbagh's ancestors along with a history of British control of Palestine that reveals the injustice of the Zionist idea, and its proponents to be fanatical ideologues willing to use any means-even terrorism-to advance their ideas at the expense of the Palestinian population. The book culminates with the creation of Israel and the genocide (yes genocide) conducted by the new state to rid its territory of Arabs, a tragedy described in mornfull detail by Sabbagh. Read this book-your view of the Arab-Israeli conflict will never be the same.
... Read more

Book Description
Healing Israel/Palestine shows that it is possible to be both pro-Israel and pro-Palestine, and provides a clear blueprint for a peace settlement. Unequivocally opposed to war makers and terrorists, Rabbi Michael Lerner asserts that a spiritual and progressive perspective, rooted in the highest values of the human race, is crucial. Perfect for individuals, discussion groups, and organizations, this book answers difficult philosophical and political questions that emerge when advocating peace and justice in the Middle East. It includes extensive historical information with a focus on current events, photographs, and detailed political maps of the region. An appendix provides resources for readers interested in activism. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (2)

Interesting philosophy, but completely removed from reality
Lerner presents a utopian view of the Israeli/Arab conflict. It might make for feel-good philosophy, but has nothing to do with reality. The Israeli/Arab conflict is not one of "criminals" but a religious and national war. If everyone was as sane as Lerner proposes, we would never have gotten to this point. The Arabs opposed the establishment of Israel in 1948, and continued to oppose Israel to this day. Arabs controlled the West Bank and Gaza until 1967, yet they never established a Palestinian country there, and continued to attack Israel and try to destroy her. The war against Israel and the Jewish right to self determination is, and has always been, a religious Jihad against "infidels." As such, it cannot be reasoned with. Lerner presents an American, Western, idealistic, "progressive" utopian vision. It is utter nonsense. Don't waste your time or money on it - you will learn nothing useful, only mumbo-jumbo. Pretending that we all can "just get along" is not only wishful thinking, it also subscribes to the idea that truth is relative, righteousness is relative, and that all sides are equally correct. In my opinion, this is dangerous talk. Terrorists are not common criminals - they are much worse. And there is never, ever, ever any excuse for blowing up children on buses and in restaurants. And self defense against hostility and terrorism is not the same as aggression targetted at innocent civilians. This is the kind of nonsense that got us to this point in the first place.

How to make peace in the world
A thoughtful analysis of the Israeli/Palestinian situation, with some concrete suggestions and affirmations about the way to achieve peace in that land.From the first, Lerher strongly affirms that he is not anti-Palestinian, nor anti-Israeli; the purpose of the book, and indeed of the Tikkun Community which he represents, is to show how it is possible to be both pro-Israel and pro-Palestine.

The main recommendation that Lerner has is one which really strikes the reader as illogical at first, though on thinking it through it becomes obvious that it is, in my opinion, the only possible real resolution to the situation.That recommendation ~ stronger than a recommendation really, an urging, a plea ~ is for non-violence; not just the absence of violence, but as an active means for change, as Mahatma Gandhi used it, or Martin Luther King, Jr.Lerner envisions this non-violence being used, first, by the Palestinians; this will have several results, all good.First,and most important, it will, eventually, work to convince the majority of Israelis who are open to conviction that they do not have anything to fear from the Palestinians, despite the Occupation of their land and the violence practised against them by the Israeli state.Second, it will have the effect of ostracising the minority of Palestinians who are wedded to violence as a way of life ~ or death ~ and make it clear again that they, and their trainers, are nothing more than common criminals, to be punished as such.A third result, stemming from the first, and Lerner's plea for the Israelis, is that Israel will be freed to pull back from the Occupation, the holding of the territories taken from the Palestinians during and since the Six Day War, in 1967.

This pulled-back position is what Tikkun envisions as the final, peaceful solution:Israel no longer occupying any of the land left to the Palestinians in 1948; Palestine as a fully functioning nation; neither permitting nor sponsoring violence against the other; both committed to living in peace and, perhaps even, harmony.Lerner is certainly not naïve enough to think that this result can occur with anything less than full commitment from both sides, and from others in the world too, most especially the United States of America.To aid in the attempt at rousing people to that full commitment to peace necessary for success, he includes a final section to the book, a series of questions that may well be asked ~ have been asked ~ by those unsure about the process, or the result, or the commitment.These questions and answers are perhaps the most valuable part of the book, in that they take away a lot of possible reasons for not acting; if you are not going to support the peace process with Tikkun you are going to have to come up with some other reasons why than the usual:The usual have been answered.

The other fascinating section is the first part of the book.In it, Lerner retells the story of Zionism and the settling of Palestine by Jews without making good guys or bad of either side.He asserts several times, that such a telling of history, without blame and making demons of the other side, is the prerequesite for any possible peace process.

Any possible peace process, i repeat, because it is quite clear that the programme laid out here is adaptable to any and all conflicts within the world ~ Kashmir, Congo, Iraq, the USA against the World ~ in all of them the first step towards true peace is a beginning of an understanding of the Other; the second is a complete commitment to non-violence as a means of conflict resolution.

Questions or doubts still may be harboured about the viability of Tikkun's programme; i confess that i am largely convinced through Lerner's writing. ... Read more