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This volume is produced from digital images created through the University of Michigan University Library's large-scale digitization efforts. The Library seeks to preserve the intellectual content of items in a manner that facilitates and promotes a variety of uses. The digital reformatting process results in an electronic version of the original text that can be both accessed online and used to create new print copies. The Library also understands and values the usefulness of print and makes reprints available to the public whenever possible. This book and hundreds of thousands of others can be found in the HathiTrust, an archive of the digitized collections of many great research libraries. For access to the University of Michigan Library's digital collections, please see http://www.lib.umich.edu and for information about the HathiTrust, please visit http://www.hathitrust.org ... Read more

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Chapters: Russian Government Referendum, 1993, Russian Presidential Referendum, 1991, Chechen Constitutional Referendum, 2007, Russian Constitutional Referendum, 1993. Source: Wikipedia. Pages: 17. Not illustrated. Free updates online. Purchase includes a free trial membership in the publisher's book club where you can select from more than a million books without charge. Excerpt: This article is part of the series:Politics and government ofRussia A referendum was held in Russia on 25 April, 1993, following the constitutional crisis earlier in the year. It asked four questions: The referendum was initiated by the Congress of People's Deputies of Russia. The Congress voted that in order to win, the president would need to obtain 50 percent of the whole electorate, rather than 50 percent of those actually voting. However, the Constitutional Court supported President Boris Yeltsin and ruled that the president required only a simple majority on two issues: confidence in him, and economic and social policy; though he would still need the support of more than half the electorate in order to call new parliamentary and presidential elections. A majority of voters expressed confidence in the president and called for new legislative elections, although support for the latter did not extend to half (53,655,187) of the electorate (107,310,374) as required. Yeltsin termed the results a mandate for him to continue in power. Although this permitted him to declare that the population supported him, not the parliament, he lacked a constitutional mechanism to implement his victory. 1. Do you have confidence in Boris Yeltsin, the President of Russia? 2. Do you approve the social and economic policy of the President of Russia and Russia's Government since 1992? 3. Do you consider an early presidential elections necessary? 4. Do you consider an early elections of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation necessary? ...More: http://booksllc.net/?id=2837866 ... Read more

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The directory contains information on 1000 top government officials and representatives of the political, government and business elite.Updated semi-annually. ... Read more

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At the beginning of the new millennium, the need forrenewal of the existing Russian model of the statehas been acknowledged. This has involved thereconstruction of accounting and financial reportingin favor of accruals. This is what constitutes thesubject-matter of this interpretative study. Giventhe paucity of research efforts on the topic, thepresent monograph seeks to describe and analyze, andby so doing, to contribute to knowledge aboutRussian central government accounting in times ofchange. To tackle the general purpose, two levelsare incorporated in order to link reform initiativesfor the government as a whole with the attemptsbeing made to implement them at one Russianuniversity. The major questions to be addressed arewhether, why and eventually how there have beenchanges at the central government level, and whetherthere are links to the university and its accountingsystem. This study concludes that changes at thecentral government level have had their initial andmost direct impact on formal rules at theuniversity, but little or no impact on its everydaymanagement activity. ... Read more

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Russia Government Guide: 1000+ Top Russian Government Officials ... Read more

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This volume is produced from digital images created through the University of Michigan University Library's large-scale digitization efforts. The Library seeks to preserve the intellectual content of items in a manner that facilitates and promotes a variety of uses. The digital reformatting process results in an electronic version of the original text that can be both accessed online and used to create new print copies. The Library also understands and values the usefulness of print and makes reprints available to the public whenever possible. This book and hundreds of thousands of others can be found in the HathiTrust, an archive of the digitized collections of many great research libraries. For access to the University of Michigan Library's digital collections, please see http://www.lib.umich.edu and for information about the HathiTrust, please visit http://www.hathitrust.org ... Read more

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High Quality Content by WIKIPEDIA articles! At the start of the Second Chechen War in 1999 federal authorities had designed and introduced a comprehensive system to control media access to the battlefield. The Russian government's but of all Russian television stations and its use of repressive rules, harassment, censorship, intimidation and attacks on journalists, including the kidnapping of Radio Liberty correspondent Andrei Babitsky by the Russian military, almost completely deprived the Russian public of the independent information on the conflict. Local journalists in Chechnya face intense harassment and obstruction, while foreign journalists and media outlets are pressured into censoring their reports on the conflict, making it nearly impossible for journalists to provide balanced coverage of Chechnya. Since 2001, with the headlines dominated by news of the Israeli-Arab conflict and the U.S.-led War on Terrorism, the conflict has been almost completely forgotten by the international media. Few Russian journalists continue to cover the Chechen conflict, and even fewer dare to criticize the government, instead choosing self-censorship. ... Read more

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This digital document is an article from Comparative Economic Studies, published by Association for Comparative Economic Studies on March 1, 2005. The length of the article is 5207 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.

From the author: JEL Classifications: P230, Q140, Q180

Citation Details
Title: Nonpayments, bankruptcy and government support in Russian agriculture.
Author: Olga Yastrebova
Publication: Comparative Economic Studies (Refereed)
Date: March 1, 2005
Publisher: Association for Comparative Economic Studies
Volume: 47Issue: 1Page: 167(14)

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Sierra Leone Foreign Policy and Government Guide ... Read more

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Chapters: 1993 Elections in Japan, 1993 Elections in Russia, Russian Legislative Election, 1993, Russian Government Referendum, 1993, Japanese General Election, 1993, Russian Constitutional Referendum, 1993. Source: Wikipedia. Pages: 21. Not illustrated. Free updates online. Purchase includes a free trial membership in the publisher's book club where you can select from more than a million books without charge. Excerpt: Legislative elections were held in the Russian Federation on December 12, 1993. At stake were the 450 seats in the State Duma (Gosudarstvennaya Duma), the lower house of the Federal Assembly of Russia (The legislature). The new election law adopted for the 1993 Duma election stipulated half the 450 Duma members were elected by a party-list system of proportional representation, and half were elected as individual representatives from single-member districts. Every Russian voter thus received two different ballots. The proportional representation ballot compelled each voter to endorse an electoral organization or vote against all of them. By contrast, the single-member district ballot required a voter to endorse an individual, whose party affiliation, if any, could not be given on the ballot. In order to nominate a list of candidates in the proportional representation ballot, a party or electoral organization had to gather 100,000 signatures from the electorate, of which no more than 15 per cent could be from any one region or republic. The method used to calculate the number of seats won by each party was the Hare method, with a threshold of 5.0 per cent of the valid vote, including votes cast against all, but excluding invalid ballots. To secure a place on a single-member district ballot, candidates had to gather the signatures of at least 1.0 percent of the constituency electorate. The winner in each single-member districts contest was simply the candidate with plurality of votes, regardless of the number...More: http://booksllc.net/?id=10022693 ... Read more