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Available as a single volume or as part of the 6 volume set Vietnam War ... Read more

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This detailed study offers numerous insights into the inner workings and foreign policy decision-making processes of the Eisenhower Administration. Tuunainen's work builds primarily upon extensive declassified archival materials and a massive body of literature. ... Read more

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" . . . important. . . gives [Americans] a candid look at ourselves as the Vietnamese saw us." --The Washington Times

"Diem has written the most extraordinary tour d'horizon of the Vietnam War I have ever read, a document all the more remarkable for its absence of bitterness." --San Francisco Examiner

An important historical account by a senior official of the South Vietnamese government, covering the period after World War II to the end of the Vietnam War. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (6)

Great book - South Vietnam's Perspective
There are a lot of books on the Vietnam War. Many of them cover soldiers' experiences on the front or Washington politicians making the "hard decisions". Few books cover the thought processes and political developments going on from the South Vietnamese view though.

The author, Bui Diem, experienced the length and breadth of the Vietnam War from the viewpoint of a private citizen of Vietnam and was involved in, or witness to, the political side of the War from the South Vietnamese perspective. What sets this book apart from other political books on the Vietnam War is Bui Diem's background as a Nationalist and his extensive relations with Vietnamese and American officials.

I would recommend this book to anyone interested in the Vietnam War, and I would especially recommend it to people who wonder why South Vietnam didn't seem to try to control the situation more. Very illuminating book (and easy to read).

A South Vietnamese diplomat's honest look back
This book is the best nonfiction account from a non-military leader of the former Republic of Vietnam or South Vietnam. Ambassador Bui Diem starts with his own life in Hanoi, under the tutelage of Vo Nguyen Giap, then a teacher before becoming one of the most famous generals of all time. Mr. Diem analyzes LBJ's decision to land combat troops in Vietnam in 1965, as he was writing the communique. He takes readers through his time as Saigon's ambassador to the U.S., meeting with numerous American leaders. Then came the Paris Peace talks with Henry Kissinger in the lead, unilaterally acting on behalf of South Vietnam. Mr. Diem spends the last four years of the war as editor of the Saigon Post, finally fleeing in April 1975 for America. He expresses sorrow and accepts responsibility for losing his country, unlike many former South Vietnamese generals and American leaders of that generation. His book, first published in 1987, is a must for every scholar of Vietnam. It reveals the tremendous pressure exerted on a former ally during a time of war and the American hubris that led to a quagmire.

S. Vietnamese diplomat's POV
This book was my first in-depth introduction into the intricacies of the Viet Nam War. I feel like I've only scratched the surface of this monolithic subject.

In the final chapter, Mr. Bui lists the main reasons why the war was so unmanageable and why the US (and coincidentally S. Viet Nam) eventually lost it. The reason listed last (the problems resulting from US intervention) is the focus of his book.

"The South Vietnamese people, and especially the South Vietnamese leaders, myself among them, bear the ultimate responsibility for the fate of their nation, and to be honest, they have much to regret and much to be ashamed of. But it is also true that the war's cast of characters operated within a matrix of larger forces that stood outside the common human inadequacies and failings. And it was these forces that shaped the landscape on which we all moved."

"First...was the obduracy of France, which in the late forties insisted on retaining control of its former colony rather than conceding independence in good time to a people who hungered for it. Second was the ideological obsession of Vietnam's Communists. Not content with fighting to slough off a dying colonialism, they relentlessly sought to impose on the Vietnamese people their dogma of class warfare and proletarian dictatorship. Finally came the massive intervention by the United States, inserting into our struggle for independence and freedom its own overpowering dynamic. These three forces combined to distort the basic nature of Vietnam's emergence from colonialism, ensuring that the struggle would be more complex and bloodier than that of so many other colonies which achieved nationhood during mid-century."

In this book, you definitely will get a S. Vietnamese diplomat's point of view. I was hoping for more on the common man's outlook, the characteristics of the Vietnamese people themselves, and the demographics of the country, but it is not provided at all in this tome. I think this would have done a lot to make the actions of the S. Vietnamese government understandable, if not excusable.

Also, another weakness of the book is that Mr. Bui is always quick to point out American missteps, but rarely expounds on S. Vietnamese imperfections.For example, he writes that one huge problem was corruption.But he never fully elaborates on the nature of this corruption.

The story is easy to read except for when you start to get towards the end. The reason being that no more new insights will be given, and you already know what the disastrous outcome will be.

A unique perspective of the Vietnamese nationalist dilemma.
"In the Jaws of History" is most valuable for Bui Diem's account of his early years in the North, when the "great dilemma in the lives for all nationalists was coming to a head".Nationalists sawcollaboration with the French as "repugnant", but then so was"giving the nation ... over to a future ruled by Ho Chi Minh, VoNguyen Giap, and the Indochinese Communist Party" who were thenmurdering nationalist leaders in Hanoi and along the Red River.Giap'srole in the purge of the nationalist Dai Viet and VNQDD needs to be kept inmind by those who tend to accept as fact the popular communist myths wovenaround its leadership figures."In the Jaws of History" isperhaps best read along with Bui Tin's memoirs "Following Ho Chi Minh:The Memoirs of a North Vietnamese Colonel".

Outstanding view of Vietnam war from different perspective
This book offers a compelling and fascinating read.The perspective is one we don't see in most of our histories of the Vietnam conflict: the view of a South Vietnam nationalist who tries to save his nation from theCommunists.The absence of bitterness, the appraisals of both the weaknessand strength of his South Vietnamese compatriots, his views on the Americanintervention:all are fascinating.

Overall, this is one of the bestbooks I have ever read about the conflict: it's right up there with StanleyKarnow's well-regarded book. ... Read more

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A masterful account of Lyndon Johnson and America's fall into Vietnam by one of our finest historians, filledwith fresh interpretations, deft portraits, and new perspectives.Amazon.com Review
Lloyd C. Gardner traces the trajectory of the Vietnam War frompolice action to international conflict, showing how its conductcoincided with Lyndon Johnson's attachment to social programs meant toimprove the lives of the world's poor. By introducing such tangledpolitical elements into a military problem, Gardner argues, Johnsoncast a certain unreality on the whole affair. "If one could go to themoon," Gardner imagines a loyalist reasoning, "and if one could helpgrandma with new medical miracles, surely it would be possible toconvince Ho Chi Minh to accept a dam on the Mekong River instead of aresidence in Saigon."Manipulated by Dean Rusk and Robert McNamara,Johnson believed that his schemes of regional economic developmentwould bear him out as a savior of the world's oppressed---whether theoppressed asked for his help or not. Gardner's suggestion that Vietnamcan be seen as a moral drama played out in the dark recesses of LBJ'sconscience is intriguing, and he backs it up with careful scholarship. ... Read more

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In The Deadly Bet, distinguished historian Walter LaFeber explores the turbulent election of 1968 and its significance in the larger context of American history. Looking through the eyes of the year's most important players_including Robert F. Kennedy, Eugene McCarthy, Martin Luther King, Hubert Humphrey, Richard Nixon, George Wallace, Nguyen Van Thieu, and Lyndon Johnson_LaFeber shows the importance of domestic upheaval on the election. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (4)

Beware, don't buy from "lady_college"
Beware, don't buy from "lady_college".My experience was very disturbing.Absolutely no customer service whatsoever.Emails were not even acknowledged.Textbook ordered August 14, 2010 has not been shipped.To top it off, a status was not provided nor were emails answered.Pay $2 more and get your books and better service.

NOTHING NEW
There is nothing here that one cannot read elsewhere and possibly with greater detail.This book focuses on the 1968 election as the pivotal election of the second half of the 20th Century and does not give a convincing argument as to why.

The chapters centers on the primary political figures of that year (Johnson, McCarthy, Kennedy, King, Humphrey, Wallace, Nixon, etc) and how each candidate contributed to the 1968 political landscape.But I felt the treatment of each individual was at best superficial and contributed little to an understanding of any of them or the electoral process in 1968.

A strong book that does its best to put things in context
Four-and-a-half stars, actually.

The Deadly Bet is essentially a review, with some analysis, of the political year of 1968, beginning with the Tet Offensive and ending with the election of Richard Nixon.Key figures, mostly from American politics, are used as Chapter titles to illustrate not only their roles in the events of that year, but the impact their lives and deaths had upon history.

The title of the book refers to the idea LaFeber presents that when a democracy undertakes a major war it is taking a gamble with the very security and stability of its institutions, betting that it can do what is necessary to win the conflict while still preserving the social fabric and being able to pursue domestic agendas.The events of 1968, as chronicled by LaFeber, show how Lyndon Johnson's bet in Vietnam failed, ruining his political career and creating a fundamental crisis in America (one which still divides the nation to this day).

I found the book to be both interesting and enlightening.As someone who didn't live through the sixties, I appreciated all the facts and recollections that LaFeber could reasonably fit in, as it allowed me to gain a better feel for the era.I thought the book was well written, it laid everything out quite clearly and precisely, and it more than kept my interest.As well, I enjoyed the analysis LaFeber offered, as he was often able to overcome bias from both the left and right to try to present a clearer picture of the many competing forces at work during that critical time.

Overall, the Deadly Bet was both scholarly and readable, and I would recommend it to anyone who wants to know more about the era.

American Politics In the Sixties.
Lyndon Johnson wasn't a very bright president.He tried to change too many things for no real reason except to take the credit for doing so, and he took advantage to play old-time politics.He almost ruined the country with his "domestic reforms" which caused devisiveness; as a consequence, we almost had another civil war all over again, only not on a battlefield.
He came close to instigating a race war.

George Wallace was campaigning in Maryland and crippled after an attack to keep him out of the office of President.He might have torn our country apart had he been elected, but he couldn't have caused more distress than LBJ and Nixon combined.Nixon showed that he was a crook after fooling the whole country for a long time; nevertheless, he was forced to leave office in disgrace.He was instrumental in a travesty of justice when Alger Hiss was put in jail for perjury.Nixon became nationally recognized as a result, as Howard Baker of East Tennessee did with Watergate.

Regarding the Viet Nam War, these presidents had made the life-and-death 'bet' that they could somehow commit the American people to a long war against a ferocious foe we never could understand nor cope with; the presidents lost, and both disappeared in disgrace.As with the American Civil War, only the "ghosts survived."The Viet Nam War was the nation's longest war and prompted student activism on college campuses.

The photos scattered throughout helped alleviate boredom.For those of us who lived through that time, it is just a reminder -- not a discovery.This is one of a series by Cornell University professors.It is the third volume published so far.LaFeber has written a book about the Cold War and the new global capitalism from a different perspective. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (12)

Bows is only 99% right on some of his facts.
I bought Ray's first book when it was first published, "...Another Way To Remember."
At first I did not notice the slight mistakes in the book, but then I did and I wrote Ray about it and of course I did not get a response.
If you would check the map of I Corps, you will notice that Camp Evans and Camp Eagle are not in their right places. Camp Evans was between Hue and Quang Tri, and Camp Eagle was just alittle north of Phu Bai.He also left off Tan My Island, east of Hue, which was a very important port for the northern I Corps area.Thats all I have to say, except like in most books and magazines, the Transportation Units are mostly forgotten, even though we hauled most of the gear, and also had to fight along the way alot of the times.Thanks, Shep.

Great Work!
Great work by Mr.Bows. His work is really relayed from the heart. I recommend this book to all. I hope Mr.Bows writes more in the future and tells us of all his experiences. Thanks Mr. Bows.

Dave Sistaro
Staten Island,New York

One of the First to be captured in South Vietnam, 1961
I would recommentd this book for all to read.This book tells a little about some of us that were part of the original people assigned to Vietnam prior to 1964.This was one of the first books to tell about myself, having been captured on 24 December 1961 and held for six months.Most people do not want to talk about those of us that were part of The Expeditionary Forces of the time.

while you wrap yourself in your flag
while you wrap yourself in your flag and say I would go and fight,
others already have. In current times we all try to get a meaning or a sense of our America, this book blows anything you have ever read of war away...when we are all searching for the human element most of the time it is lost and unreachable yet here like rolling echoes of thunder from a distant shore real lives and heroic acts of soldiers so revered.....so moving if you ever needed a motivating force, this book is it. And yet where is the elusive Ray Bows?

while you wrap yourself in your flag
while you wrap yourself in your flag and say I would go and fight,
others already have. in current times we all try to get a meaning or a sense of our America, this book blows anything you have ever read of war away...when we are all searching for the human element most of the time it is lost and unreachale yet here
like rolling echoes of thunder from a distant shore real liVes and heroic acts of soldiers so revered.....so moving if you ever needed a motivating force, this book is it. and yet were is the elusive Ray Bows ... Read more

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This book considers the Vietnam war in light of U.S. foreign policy in Vietnam, concluding that the war was a direct result of failed state-building efforts.This U.S. nation building project began in the mid-1950s with the ambitious goal of creating a new independent, democratic, modern state below the 17th parallel.No one involved imagined this effort would lead to a major and devastating war in less than a decade. Carter analyzes how the United States ended up fighting a large-scale war that wrecked the countryside, generated a flood of refugees, and brought about catastrophic economic distortions, results which actually further undermined the larger U.S. goal of building a viable state.Carter argues that, well before the Tet Offensive shocked the viewing public in late January, 1968, the campaign in southern Vietnam had completely failed and furthermore, the program contained the seeds of its own failure from the outset. ... Read more

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Pulitzer-prize winning author David HalberstamOs eyewitness account of the most critical political period of U.S. involvement in Vietnam_the Kennedy/Diem era_remains as fresh and stimulating today as when it was first published in 1965. In the introduction to this edition, historian Daniel J. Singal provides crucial background information that was unavailable when the book was written. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (7)

The Making of a Quagmire
This is an eye opener for those who, like me, were not aware that our involvement in Vietnam began with financial support of the French struggles with the Vietminh in the early 1950s, well before Dienbienphu.As the French fell from power we Americans threw our money and might behind a beleagured government that was more French than Vietnamese and an Army (ARVN) of the South that was quickly being defeated from within by the National Liberation Front (NLF).The latter because the NLF worked with the people and identified with the people's desire to rid themselve of the bourgois government of Saigon, that was now supported by American advisors, money, and munitions.Halberstram reveals the NLF's simple plan of working with the locals, providing medical aid and military support enamored them to the common people.In contrast the ARVN troops often antagonized the common man, arbitrarily killing villagers whom they thought were collaboraters with the NLF, without tangible evidence. In response the NLF did perform selective executions of local leaders who collaborated with those in Saigon.The NLF's actions in this effort provided the local villagers with a modicum of protection and a healthy amount of fear, the fear that collaboration with Saigon would be costly. As the NLF fought a profoundly effective political and military war, the US supported ARVN forces were being defeated in their attempt to build a nation.The ARVN's efforts effectively hindered future American efforts to wage a political war, a war that was lost before it began.This is an important read given our own governments current plain of COIN in Afghanistan.Same ineffectual policy, different people...

Too Much "I was right, everybody else was wrong"
The entire tone of this book is that the Saigon Press Corp were the smartest people in the world.They had all the answers, but nobody would listen to them.They could see the diaster coming, but nobody else could see it coming.The government and military (both American and Vietnamese) were incompetent and not listening to the right people.Chapter 11 "The Saigon Press Controversy" is devoted entirely to this theme, and should be eliminated as it does not relate to American involvement in the Quagmire.
I was disappointed there was no followup on Madame Nhu, given the amount of venom directed at her in the first part of the book.And no mention of her during the coup.I learned from other sources she was out of the country during the coup, and still lives(?) in Italy.
Chapter 10 "A Slow Change in American Policy" shows a very limited view of the situation.President Kennedy as early as August 1963 was considering the removal of Diem, and Lodge the day before the coup offered Diem safe passage out of the country.
Perhaps the biggest disappointment is the Epilog.Halberstam wrote it after returning to VietNam in late 1967, and gives his views on the situation as it stood then.This is dated even before the Tet Offensive occured.The editor, Mr Singal should write an Epilog II that covers Halberstam's insights for the future of the country, and highlights at least the following 10 years of unimaginable misery and bloodshed in VietNam.

What Should Be Learned From History
In the early 1960s, David Halberstam was a New York Times correspondent who initially viewed the U.S. political and military-advisory roles in South Viet Nam as a necessary stance against the Communist menace (as defined by Dwight Eisenhower's "domino theory" in Southeast Asia).

But his pessimism grew during tours of the nation, interviews with American military advisors and his concerns surrounding the corrupt South Vietnamese government of President Ngo Dinh Diem. His criticism became so much of a problem to the Kennedy Administration that the president himself lobbied NYT editors to have Halberstam yanked out of South Viet Nam if his reporting continued to run contrary to the government's optimistic pronoucements.

The abridged edition - to make the text more accessible to those not familiar with this history - is a classic retrospective on how Halberstam grew to question the policies of Diem and Kennedy. It also importantly takes the reader through a journey on how he had to walk gingerly through the web of censorship that is played out between the government & the news media.

Outstanding book; this is the wrong edition to buy
Halberstam's work is a classic, outlining the dilemma that Vietnam posed to American policymakers in the early 1960s, and written in lucid, newspaper-reporting style.The author's perceptiveness is particularly striking when one considers that he wasn't even 30 years old when he covered Vietnam.

Unfortunately, this McGraw-Hill edition abridges Halberstam's masterpiece.Most of the essential pieces of the story remain, but much of the rich, colorful narrative, which makes this such a fascinating book, is lost.Hopefully, a complete version will return to print soon.

required reading
Before reading this book, my knowledge of the Vietnam war was limited to the movies I had seen on the subject, until recently when a friendrecommended this book to me after a brief discussion of the war, itspolitical agenda and its intrigue. Making of a quagmire is an extensive andthourough account of theevents in 1961 and 1962 that lead to the eventualfull american involvemnt in Vietnam. Halberstam provides an unbeleivableand at times jaw-dropping first hand account of the political and militaryevents of the period, and translates with remarkable skill the frustrationof the vicious circle that was the american policy in Vietnam. A must readfor any one with even a slight interest in the subject ... Read more

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This new study of American support to the regime of Ngo Dinh Diem in South Vietnam illuminates many contemporary events and foreign policies.

During the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations, the United States used foreign police and paramilitary assistance to combat the spread of communist revolution in the developing world. This became the single largest internal security programme during the neglected 1955-1963 period. Yet despite presidential attention and a sustained campaign to transform Diem’s police and paramilitary forces into modern, professional services, the United States failed to achieve its objectives.

Given the scale of its efforts, and the Diem regime’s importance to the US leadership, this text identifies the three key factors that contributed to the failure of American policy. First, the competing conceptions of Diem’s civilian and military advisers. Second, the reforms advanced by US police training personnel were also at odds with the political agenda of the South Vietnamese leader. Finally, the flawed beliefs among US police advisers based on the universality of American democracy.

This study also shows how notions borrowed from academic social science of the time became the basis for building Diem’s internal security forces.

This book will be of great interest to all students and scholars of intelligence studies, Cold War studies, security studies, US foreign policy and the Vietnam War in general.

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Schwab examines America's decision to "stand in Vietnam" with a fresh perspective provided by new archival materials and the intellectual synthesis of institutional, political, and diplomatic history. Vietnam policy is shown at many different levels, from the presidency down to the level of CIA operatives in the field and public opinion specialists on the White House staff. The views of State Department officers, foreign public opinion, editorials in major U.S. newspapers, and the powerful leaders of both Congressional houses reveal an informed and highly conflicted public leadership well before American combat troops were committed in large numbers in the summer of 1965. The author contends that responsibility for the war and its tragic consequences should not be placed upon individuals, but rather at the levels of state, society, and the international system. ... Read more