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US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency Handbook ... Read more

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This volume is produced from digital images created through the University of Michigan University Library's large-scale digitization efforts. The Library seeks to preserve the intellectual content of items in a manner that facilitates and promotes a variety of uses. The digital reformatting process results in an electronic version of the original text that can be both accessed online and used to create new print copies. The Library also understands and values the usefulness of print and makes reprints available to the public whenever possible. This book and hundreds of thousands of others can be found in the HathiTrust, an archive of the digitized collections of many great research libraries. For access to the University of Michigan Library's digital collections, please see http://www.lib.umich.edu and for information about the HathiTrust, please visit http://www.hathitrust.org ... Read more

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Sixth edition of the original 1972 publication. Contains the texts of the Geneva Protocol of 1925, all major arms control agreements concluded after WW II in which the US has been a participant. The text of each agreement is precede by a brief narrative discussion prepared by the US Arms Control and Disarmamment Agency and is followed by a list of signatories and parties (quoted from the Forward section of the book). There are 28 treaties, conventions, agreements, protocols in the Contents. ... Read more

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An excerpt from the book -

Both the local and worldwide fallout hazards of nuclear explosions
depend on a variety of interacting factors: weapon design, explosive
force, altitude and latitude of detonation, time of year, and local
weather conditions.

All present nuclear weapon designs require the splitting of heavy
elements like uranium and plutonium.The energy released in this
fission process is many millions of times greater, pound for pound,
than the most energetic chemical reactions.The smaller nuclear
weapon, in the low-kiloton range, may rely solely on the energy
released by the fission process, as did the first bombs which
devastated Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945.The larger yield nuclear
weapons derive a substantial part of their explosive force from the
fusion of heavy forms of hydrogen--deuterium and tritium.Since there
is virtually no limitation on the volume of fusion materials in a
weapon, and the materials are less costly than fissionable materials,
the fusion, "thermonuclear," or "hydrogen" bomb brought a radical
increase in the explosive power of weapons.However, the fission
process is still necessary to achieve the high temperatures and
pressures needed to trigger the hydrogen fusion reactions.Thus, all
nuclear detonations produce radioactive fragments of heavy elements
fission, with the larger bursts producing an additional radiation
component from the fusion process.
... Read more

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This book was converted from its physical edition to the digital format by a community of volunteers. You may find it for free on the web. Purchase of the Kindle edition includes wireless delivery. ... Read more

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Worldwide Effects of Nuclear War: Some Perspectives. please visit www.valdebooks.com for a full list of titles ... Read more

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The implementation of disarmament requirements imposed by the Security Council after the Second Gulf War established a strong and unequal power relationship between the United Nations and Iraq. Although the ensuing struggle over imposed disarmament has been a major issue in world politics, international relations theorists continue to ignore it. Deaver argues that this case has important theoretical implications. Using sociological insights and a behavioral approach, he examines the power relationship as well as Iraqi resistance from 1991 to 1998. Theorists are likely to find these analytical tools useful since they provide a ready means of studying the micro-foundations of power relations in generalized terms. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (1)

Disarming Iraq: Monitoring Power and Resistance
Saddam Hussein has posed the United Nations (U.N.) with its greatest test since the Korean War. Security Council Resolution 687 may have mandated that Iraq eliminate its chemical and biological weapons programs and curtail its ballistic missile capability, but Saddam has treated U.N. weapons inspections with disdain, routinely preventing full, unfettered access, and finally, in 1998, refusing to comply altogether.

Deaver, academic coordinator at the Civic Education Project in Russia, correctly identifies international diplomacy's failure to limit Iraq's weapons of mass destruction program as worthy of study. Rather than analyze the history of the inspections regime or detail the U.N. Special Commission's success and failure, however, he examines power relationships, resistance, and the applicability of academic theory.

Disarming Iraq begins with a succinct overview of Iraq's weapons programs and the international response to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait (though his summary does little more than regurgitate Anthony Cordesman's uneven work). However, some of Deaver's subsequent speculation is curious. Who outside the sheltered world of academe would state that Saddam objected to chemical and biological weapons disarmament out of fear of being left defenseless in a tough neighborhood? (The Iraqi army retained its sizeable conventional forces and those ballistic missiles with under 150-kilometer range.)

Deaver then examines the monitoring duel between Iraq and the U.N., relying almost entirely on U.N. documents and granting them a legitimacy possible only from someone who has never observed U.N. fieldwork firsthand. Analyzing U.N. monitoring in isolation, Deaver fails to consider how the U.N.'s willingness to compromise encouraged Saddam's widespread obstruction. For example, in May 1996, the U.N. and Baghdad agreed to a memorandum of understanding diluting the substance of Security Council resolutions to enable the oil-for-food program. Iraqis who I interviewed repeatedly pointed out that if the U.N. responds to Saddam's obstruction by reducing his obligations, then Saddam will simply increase obstruction with regard to the weapons program the U.N. holds most dear.

Also missing in Deaver's study is any attention to Saddam's trade politics. It is no secret that Saddam directed billions of dollars in oil-for-food contracts to France, Russia, and key Arab states in exchange for Paris, Moscow, Cairo, and Damascus turning a blind eye to unrestrained erosion in sanctions.

Disarming Iraq is an example of academic self-absorption that provides little satisfaction to real-world international relations practitioners. It illustrates the growing schism between university and practical politics. Theory should never substitute for on-the-ground research.

Middle East Quarterly, Winter 2003 ... Read more