Book Description

Customer Reviews (4)

Be serious
This book is atrocious.It uses false claims and illogic to justify stealing land from the land-poor.If we all behaved like Guyatt, we'd be at war all the time, with no mechanism for thinking about peace, let alone talking about it or achieving it.

Excellent presentation of the Palestinian perspective
A more appropriate title for this book would be: The Absence of Peace: Palestinian Perspectives on the Oslo Peace Accords. This title would make clear that (a) this book presents solely the Palestinian perspective and (b) the scope of the book is relatively recent events. Thus, this book is not a good choice for those who are looking for an overview of the entire Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. However, for those who already have developed a basic historical and political framework for this complex arena, this book is immensely helpful.

In order to understand the repeated failure of the peace process, one must understand the Palestinian perspective. This author crafts an articulate and well referenced description of how Palestinian frustration, anger, and hopelessness have been fueled by Israeli actions. This book asserts that the Oslo Peace accords have exacerbated the on-going problems and presents a view of Palestinian life within the restrictions imposed on building, work, and travel within Israel. As a relatively neutral observer to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, I found it very helpful to have the Palestinian perspective described so succinctly and articulately.

The final chapter of this book provides recommendations of possible options for future resolution of the conflict. This chapter was the highlight of the book and will assist me in understanding the success or failure of future efforts.

A note about perspectives and bias. The author is clearly impassioned and highly critical of Israel and its leaders. Nonetheless, I found Absence of Peace to be well referenced and credible. For example, most of the criticisms of Israeli leaders are supported by direct quotes from these leaders that have been published in newspapers. Each chapter concludes with 3-10 pages of footnotes. I also cross-referenced some of the allegations made against the Israeli security forces with Amnesty International reports and found them to be consistent. However, it is clear that this book presents solely the Palestinian perspective. For example, the author is repeatedly critical of the limitations imposed on Palestinian travel, but never acknowledges that Palestinian suicide bombers have at least some causal responsibility in these Israeli actions. It is very likely that this book will enrage readers who hold staunchly Zionist or pro-Israeli perspectives.

Overall, Absence of Peace is a readable and important book. It provides an understanding of Palestinian perspectives on the Oslo Peace Accords that also informs the reader's understanding of the broader issues within Israel and Palestine.

A very informative, well-researched book
Nicholas Guyatt's "The Absence of Peace" is a well-researched, thoughtful book on the Arab-Israeli conflict.Focusing on developments since the 1993 Oslo accords, Guyatt considers the causes of the peaceagreement's failure.The author concentrates on the inherent difficultiesin the accords themselves: for instance, that Palestine and Israel areinequitable authorities; that the PLO is only one quasi-authoritative bodyof Palestinian representatives; and that the United States, as permamentmember of the UN Security Council, is in a position to veto all UNresolutions criticising Israel's actions.I found Guyatt's analysis ofYitzhak Rabin's and Shimon Peres's political lives very helpful: forneither are so "dovish" as journalists have made them out to be,especially in light of Rabin's assasination, an act that made him themartyr for peace he really was not.Guyatt's treatment of Israeli-Europeanrelations was also very helpful.On the whole, I consider this book a verybalanced criticism of Israeli policies toward the Palestine question. Unlike many other books on this topic, Guyatt's analysis refrains fromconspiracist rhetoric while taking critical note of Israel's actions. Heartily recommended.

Anti-Oslo author assumes rejectionist stance valid
Nicholas Guyatt's _The Absence of Peace_ is a work of obvious erudition which will be totally unacceptable to almost any pro-Israeli reader or historian.Masquerading as an indictment of the Oslo accords, it trashesthe peacemaking reputations of Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres, implies thatIsrael has relentlessly engaged in ethnic cleansing, and laments the legacyof the Holocaust, which prevents the European Union from applyingdiplomatic pressure adequate to compel a return to the borders of 1949 or1947. Based on largely on the documentation of Palestinian groups andpartisans like Chomsky and Findley, it is a thinly-disguised attack on thelegitimate achievements of the Middle East's only democracy, noteworthyonly for an illuminating account of Operation Grapes of Wrath. ... Read more

Book Description
Contemporary Peace Making draws on recent experience to identify and explore the essential components of peace processes. Each chapter examines a different element in recent peace processes. The collection is organized around five main themes: planning for peace during periods of violence, the process of negotiations (including pre-negotiation), the effects of violence on peace processes, peace accords-constitutional and political options-and securing the settlement and building the peace. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (5)

A VERY COMPREHENSIVE AND CHRISTIAN GLIMPSE AT JUSTICE AND PEACE IN THE PAST AND NOW
or almost now.

This was last revised in 2002 from the earlier 1997 edition; therefore we do not see our more recent national (security state, increased economic disparity) and international (one million Iraqis estimated dead by the Lancet) developments. Thus this book continues to discuss economic sanctions against Iraq instead of the current total war policy.

Nevertheless it is a very useful textbook, as it describes its audience, and a very comprehensive overview. For a more clear conception of the principles of justice and peace involved, nothing can beat the National Conference of Catholic Bishop's The Challenge of Peace and Economic Justice For All,except anything by the Rev. Father John Dear, SJ, of course.

Of special personal interest is the discussion of British colonialism in Ireland and the real causes of the "famine" in a land full of food.

Again and always it is highly recommended to visit the excellent amazon Search Inside function, which you will soon discover impossible in this case to put down. Try the Table of Contents and go from there.

A very useful historical overview in the perspective of applied Catholic moral theology.

propaganda
Very left anti-capitalism book. Contains no cogent arguments. Facts are skewed or are outright lies. Example: Page 56 states "The huge budget deficits during the Reagan years in the 1980s were due to tax cuts..." When , in fact, data from 'Budget of the United States Government: Historical Tables' show large increases in Government revenue during the years after the tax cuts. The increased deficits being due to large house/senate spending. Of course, in this book, Bill Clinton can do no wrong. Over all, this book is a very hard left leaning and biased work. I wish I could get my money back.

It's the bullseye book I've been looking for
Uncompromising, fearless, and accurate--this is the one I've waited for. Finally, a Christian who boldly tackles issues like sweatshops, the World Bank and IMF, militarization and its effects on poverty, America's role in arms sales to the Third World, the environment, and world peace. The facts, figures, and graphs are there for anyone who wants them, but it's not a dull government-style book. It's rebellious and astounding, and makes you feel like taking action. It's also loaded with relevant scripture examinations and lists of resources (organizations, books, nonprofit agencies) who attend to the issues Thompson raises.

Enough with silly sunday School classes about stories and opinions; THIS should be the textbook of sunday School classes of the truly justice-minded churches of America.

Excellent Introduction into Global Issues & Christian Ethics
J. Milburn Thompson's book Justice and Peace is an excellent introduction into current global issues and Christian ethics. It is up to date, very readable and great for anyone who is looking to gain a better understandingof issues like poverty, human rights, the enviroment, weapons &disarmament, the post cold war world and the Christian response. It couldeasily be used for underclassmen in college or as a book for seniors inhigh school.

A great Introduction
This book by Prof. Thompson fills a gap in Catholic teaching on peace and justice. I would hope that this book gets wide circulation among clergy, especially deacons in the Catholic Church. This book gives a very goodhistorical overview of the wide range of issues that Christian peacemakersface in the world.

As good as this book is as an introduction, Ithink an exploration of the fundamental principles of Catholic Socialteaching would round off the presentation. Also, there is a need to discusspractical application of Catholic teaching such as Princpled Nonviolenceand grassroots praxis.

The range and depth of the book is a welcomeaddition to a growing attempt by Catholic theologians and ethicists toapply the Gospel to the "signs of the times". Kudos for a jobwell done ! One will eagerly await the second volume of Christian praxis. ... Read more

Book Description
A new hardcover gift edition featuring the appealing Picasso cover art and edited by the world's foremost historian of the Nobel Peace Prize—this inspiring collection contains excerpts from the acceptance speeches and lectures of eighty laureates since the award's inception in 1901.

"Hope is the strongest driving force for a people. Hope which brings about change, which produces new realities, is what opens man's road to freedom."—Oscar Arias Sánchez, 1987

As President Jimmy Carter writes in his foreword, "Many of the heroes of peace who speak to us in these pages have spoken far more vibrantly in their deeds, motivated by this spirit. As we have found inspiration in their work for peace, so may we find inspiration in their 'Words of Peace.'"

Mother Teresa, Albert Schweitzer, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Aung San Suu Kyi, Nelson Mandela, Eli Weisel, Yitzhak Rabin, and many more give significant perspectives on such themes as the Bonds of Humanity, Faith and Hope, the Tragedy of War, Violence and Nonviolence, Human Rights, Politics and Leadership, and of course, Peace. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (1)

A deeply moving and inspirational anthology
Now in its third edition and featuring a foreword by President Jimmy Carter, The Words Of Peace collects selections of commentaries on peace drawn directly from speeches by the winners of the Nobel Peace Prize. A deeply moving and inspirational anthology filled from cover to with uplifting and emotional messages aspiring to the best of human nature, The Words Of Peace is especially timely and enthusiastically recommended reading in this present international situation of a global war on terrorism. ... Read more

Book Description

People still think of the Cold War as a simple two-sided conflict, a kind of gigantic arm wrestle on a global scale," writes Marc Trachtenberg, "but this view fails to grasp the essence of what was really going on." America and Russia were both willing to live with the status quo in Europe. What then could have generated the kind of conflict that might have led to a nuclear holocaust? This is the great puzzle of the Cold War, and in this book, the product of nearly twenty years of work, Trachtenberg tries to solve it.

The answer, he says, has to do with the German question, especially with the German nuclear question. These issues lay at the heart of the Cold War, and a relatively stable peace took shape only when they were resolved. The book develops this argument by telling a story--a complex story involving many issues of detail, but focusing always on the central question of how a stable international system came into being during the Cold War period. A Constructed Peace will be of interest not just to students of the Cold War, but to people concerned with the problem of war and peace, and in particular with the question of how a stable international order can be constructed, even in our own day.

Customer Reviews (1)

A very comprehensive, well-researched book.
I read this book because a friend recommended it to me.There is painstaking detail about the diplomatic moves made by Secretary of State James Byrnes about the formation of NATO in 1945-1947, when he was replacedby Dean Acheson.This book does fail to give adequate coverage to eventshappening in Korea during the Korean War, leaving the reader to wonder ifthis author felt Europe was the center of the world during the first decadeof the Cold War. ... Read more

Book Description

A superb introduction to the ethical aspects of war and peace, this collection of tightly integrated essays explores the reasons for waging war and for fighting with restraint as formulated in a diversity of ethical traditions, religious and secular. Beginning with the classic debate between political realism and natural law, this book seeks to expand the conversation by bringing in the voices of Judaism, Islam, Christian pacifism, and contemporary feminism. In so doing, it addresses a set of questions: How do the adherents to each viewpoint understand the ideas of war and peace? What attitudes toward war and peace are reflected in these understandings? What grounds for war, if any, are recognized within each perspective? What constraints apply to the conduct of war? Can these constraints be set aside in situations of extremity? Each contributor responds to this set of questions on behalf of the ethical perspective he or she is presenting. The concluding chapters compare and contrast the perspectives presented without seeking to adjudicate their differences. Because of its inclusive, objective, comparative, and dialogic approach, the book serves as a valuable resource for scholars, journalists, policymakers, and anyone else who wants to acquire a better understanding of the range of moral viewpoints that shape current discussion of war and peace. In addition to the editor, the contributors are Joseph Boyle, Michael G. Cartwright, Jean Bethke Elshtain, John Finnis, Sohail H. Hashmi, Theodore J. Koontz, David R. Mapel, Jeff McMahan, Richard B. Miller, Aviezer Ravitzky, Bassam Tibi, Sarah Tobias, and Michael Walzer.

Customer Reviews (1)

When the circle ends to turn around itself !

The aroused controversy on different international stages, around the powerful meaning of the justice as secular idea, collides with the war in more than an aspect. The overpopulation, and many others issues generated by very well known consequences by "the greenhouse effect", may not ignore the opinion of the religious views. If we assume we are living in a challenging and changing world, the innovativeness appears as vital resource to face every one of the unthinkable consequences derived from this process of evolution, where the breakthrough of the paradigms affects continuously our own convictions, and at least to my view, you have to be absolutely centered about your bliss in the life; if not I ' m afraid no other solution will be precisely comfortable or permanent. In this state of things what' must be the role of religion and moreover, in what level may contribute and make its voice be listened. If we analyze the emotional nature of the human being in comparison with our first ancestors, there's not a remarkable difference and that fact doesn't' seem to be a good signal.

Regardless your religious beliefs, the book is very interesting, because it gives us important clues around such thorny theme.
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Book Description
The most complete guidebook yet to social activism. Forty active peace workers -- psychologists, social workers, communication specialists and other professionals -- offer detailed practical guidance on getting yourself together, maintaining an effective group of volunteers, and getting the word out to the larger community.

Thirty-two information-packed chapters include: Cultivating Inner Peace; Overcoming Anger and Anxiety; Overcoming Helplessness and Discouragement; Overcoming Burnout; Motivating Others; Effective Group Meetings and Decision Making; Using Conflict Creatively; Promoting Peaceful Interaction; Nonviolent Communication; Conflict Transformation Skills; From Anger to Peace; Preparing for Nonviolent Confrontations; Effective Media Communication; Techniques of Behavior Change; Humor for Peace ... Read more

Customer Reviews (2)

An excellent, practical handbook
WORKING FOR PEACE is a collection of essays in five parts that addresses the many issues involved in activist work of all kinds -- not just peace work.

Part 1 starts with the workers themselves with an assessment checklist of skills and encouragement to begin, no matter how little knowledge or experience we have. We can speak, write, teach, research, fund-raise, circulate petitions, march, organize, advocate or simply donate or write letters to support the protest work of others from behind the scenes. This valuable section includes essays on dealing with burnout and disillusionment, self-care toward inner peace, stress reduction, and focusing on successes, however small. This section contains so many of the best of self-help psychology that it offers wisdom in areas beyond one's peaceful inclinations. The essay on an activist's toolkit, based in part on the work of Virginia Satir is a gem. The editors were also wise to include an essay on the genuine risks that peace work today may be misconstrued as unpatriotic or traitorous. How fitting that this section includes a chapter on peaceful parenting: peace begins at home. "Let there be peace on earth and let it begin with me."

Part 2 covers topics on how to recruit, motivate, inspire, and influence others to consider their social responsibilities for living in the world they want. It emphasizes the power of groups to tackle more difficult tasks, developing skills for facilitating productive meetings and decision making. Many lucid comments on group cohesion! "Cohesive groups stick together, remain united in their objectives, and weather setbacks better than non-cohesive groups. Members like other members and the group itself and are proud of the group's ability to work as a team. Group cohesion may be especially important in groups of volunteers, since a positive group experience can motivate members to stay." (p. 102) Again, this applies to groups of all kinds, not just activist groups.

Part 3 tackles the subject of conflict, first by normalizing it and then by using this as a creative force for clarifying goals and combining strengths to make changes in the world. Happily, these essays talk about empathy and the ability to see another's point of view or step into their shoes, essential skills for conflict resolution and mutual respect.

Part 4 is on peace work: getting the message out. The essays offer tips for dealing with the media, how to appeal to specific audiences and the importance of the medium as the message -- an old lesson we often forget. How can I deliver what I have to say to be best heard and have the effect I want to achieve?

Part 5 is about changing attitudes, with discussions of what makes people change their opinions and how you can facilitate change in behavior as well. It offers "how to," taking small steps, appealing to the other's values about peace, asking for a commitment for a small change, such as a small donation or signing a petition.

This book is a valuable resource packed with examples and practical advice for working for peace and living peacefully with oneself and others, in and out of the peace movement. It should be required reading in the high schools.

Great resource for activists!
This book is truly a little gem. I've read a lot of "how to" for activists books over the years, When I picked up this one, I fully expected a lot of hot air. After all it's written by psychologists. I quickly realized I was in for something refreshingly different when the introduction immediately broke out into bullet points, rapid firing suggestions such as:"If you want to improve your personal effectiveness, take a look at chapters 1) Building Confidence for Social Action, 3) Improving Your Personal Appeal,etc." and "If you are feeling overwhelmed, take a look at chapters 2) Cultivating Inner Peace,6) Overcoming Burnout, etc." and "If you want your group to have a greater impact, take a look at chapters 12) Effective Group Decision Making, 24) Effective Media Communications, etc."These guys don't mess around, they get right to it. It's packed with short but extremely informative chapters. And to even think to include a chapter on improving your personal appeal--something a lot of folks in the "activist" scene can really use some tips on -- is a brilliant stroke. And the book is full of them. The chapters are loaded with "that is so right on" stuff as well as numerous "I never thought of it that way" insights. A great mix of mind opening (and refreshing) insights and practical ideas. ... Read more

Book Description
Why are some regions prone to war while others remain at peace? What conditions cause regions to move from peace to war and vice versa? This book offers a novel theoretical explanation for the differences in levels of and transitions between war and peace. The author distinguishes between "hot" and "cold" outcomes, depending on intensity of the war or the peace, and then uses three key concepts (state, nation, and the international system) to argue that it is the specific balance between states and nations in different regions that determines the hot or warm outcomes: the lower the balance, the higher the war proneness of the region, while the higher the balance, the warmer the peace. The international systematic factors, for their part, affect only the cold outcomes of cold war and cold peace. The theory of regional war and peace developed in this book is examined through case-studies of the post-1945 Middle East, the Balkans and South America in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and post-1945 Western Europe. It uses comparative data from all regions and concludes by proposing ideas on how to promote peace in war-torn regions. ... Read more

Book Description
This book focuses on creating a sustainable peace as opposed to winning the peace. It is comprised of fifteen papers, which examine and discuss various dimensions of the peace-building and post-conflict reconciliation process. Authored by academics, policy advisors, practitioners and members of the public at large, the papers address issues such as factors that have contributed to the process of resolving civil wars and reconciling divided societies; the different techniques used in the peace-building process; the role of various nongovernmental actors and regional organizations; and the experiences of peace-building efforts in different regions of the world. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (1)

A serious-minded compilation that blends philosophy with a coldly practical eye for twentieth and twenty-first century conflicts
Building Sustainable Peace is an anthology of essays by learned contributors focusing on the complex problem of reconstructing and building a sustainable peace, particularly in Afghanistan and Iraq but also with an eye for other nations such as West Africa's Liberia and Sierra Leone. Individual selections include "Rethinking Humanitarian Intervention", "Praxis versus Policy", "From a Culture of Violence to a Culture of Peace", and many more. A serious-minded compilation that blends philosophy with a coldly practical eye for twentieth and twenty-first century conflicts and acts of terrorism and genocide. Numerous specific peace building strategies are exhaustively discussed in this heavily researched compendium particularly recommended for college libraries, activist organizations, and political science shelves.
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Customer Reviews (1)

refreshing, needed narrative and analysis
WOMEN BUILDING PEACE is an unusual book---it analyzes the contributions of women in conflict, as well as their frustrations and setbacks, while telling stories that illustrate this long-neglected topic.It is insightful, informed, and important. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (1)

Making a Difference Right On Your Block
The Mennonite Conciliation Service's well-practiced manual provides a practical system of conflict mediation for use in one-on-one and group conflict mediation. The book assumes a Mennonite Christian perspective on why and how we seek to resolve conflict in our lives. The system is somewhat complicated, so I would urge you not to just dive in and assume you can solve people's problems on your own. However, taken in conjunction with some practical experience and guidance, or as an addition to conflict training on your own, this manual will help you to solve conflict without resorting to win or lose situations. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (2)

Great insight into the 60's Antiwar Movement
This was required reading for a graduate course in American history.

In An American Ordeal The Antiwar Movement and the Vietnam Era, the authors chronicle the antiwar movement from 1955 to1975. The book gave a sophisticated analysis of the antiwar movement that went beyond some of the tired dichotomies of Communism versus Democracy that are ubiquitous in the historical scholarship of the period. The authors considered the complexity of the antiwar movement with its multitude of factions and how it affected the political atmosphere. The image of the antiwar factions and how the American public felt about the different foreign policies the protestors and the Administration were advocating was described in the book.

The period of 1955-1963 was discussed regarding initiatives on nuclear disarmament to slow down or eliminate the nuclear arms race. This period's primary achievement was to focus attention on the issue of atmosphere nuclear testing. After the signing of the Test Ban Treaty in1963, the nuclear disarmament element of the movement began to fade. The civil rights efforts coalesced around the rise of a youthful intellectual left that was more willing to give of themselves to advance the cause of social justice. After 1965, as the Vietnam War intensified, a large portion of these same anti-nuclear and civil rights organizations became part of the opposition to U.S. involvement in Vietnam. Ironically, President Johnson was the peace candidate of the 1964 election and became an intractable hawk on the war. This brought about disillusionment within the movement regarding the strategy of influencing policy makers and, a shift to the strategy of massive demonstrations.

The authors maintain that the Vietnam War portion of the 1955-1975 period of peace activism was the most obtuse. The period of 1965-1975 with its concurrent social issues including racial equality and violent domestic unrest was a time of wrenching discord and malaise. The authors believed a dominant theme of the period was the war policy of the Johnson and Nixon administrations versus those that were against intervention in Vietnam. The dynamics of opinion on both sides throughout the period were discussed. The authors pointed out that the desire to cling to executive power by both administrations trumped a clear delineation of policy alternatives for the war. This was the central theme of the book: The withdrawal from the war was the policy option the antiwar movement displayed and ultimate public acceptance of this policy was seen as a sign of the movement's success in that regard.

A second theme the authors extensively explained was the division within the antiwarmovement. Although a dominant theme in the historical interpretation of the period, the authors saw the dichotomy of us versus them on both sides of the intervention question as simplistic and ultimately unsatisfying in the pursuit of a deep understanding. The authors viewed such a dichotomy as a reflection of the same Cold War rhetoric that led to initial U.S. involvement in Vietnam.

The authors duly note that the antiwar movement did not have a single directing organization or ideology. Consequently, the movement offered varying criticisms of American society and foreign policy along with its criticism of the war. The various groups that came under the umbrella of the movement had differing levels of organization. They could be national, regional or local level organizations. Exponential growth in the movement from 1962 to 1972 contributed to the sense of haphazard direction and poor organization.

The debacle at the 1968 Democratic National Convention lead to further disillusionment with any hope of a change in policy employing the political process. The rioting tarnished an already poor public image of the movement, making it easy to paint it as functioning not as an advocate of an alternative policy, but rather as just a group of contrarian adversaries. The authors pointed to the irony of advocates of peace now doing their own bombing and aggressive attacks on the home front. These events were highly publicized and the Nixon White House exploited, and in some instances encouraged, such conflicts. The authors argue that the vast majority of antiwar protestors were peaceful in their actions but it was the most sensational and violent manifestations of protest that were burned into the nation's consciousness.

By 1972, as violent street protest waned, the antiwar faction within Congress gained momentum as did the Democratic Party. The emergence of George McGovern as the Party's presidential candidate reflected a higher level of acceptance of the argument for withdrawal from Vietnam. The antiwar activists were quite a vociferous contrast from those in the lower socioeconomic class who opposed the war. Lower class opposition thought the war was a waste of lives and money and they had little belief in any Democratic desires of the South Vietnamese. Still, they did not approve of the war protestor's actions which led to their collective reticence on disengagement.

One fascinating point the authors made was that, opinion analysts had found that most Americans respond to foreign policy situations "not out of knowledge of the situation, but rather in response to cues issued by respected reference groups". These groups were political parties or religious and social groups. With the advent of the war, these
traditional groups divided and thus, public opinion on the war became ambivalent. The antiwar movement was unable to fill this vacuum because of its public image as a group of deviants who wanted to thwart authority at every opportunity.

Both Johnson and Nixon believed that the outcome of the war jeopardized their presidency. Johnson's Great Society was jeopardized by division over the war and the possibility of defeat. President Nixon thought losing the war would jeopardize U.S. leadership in the world. Consequently, the authors concluded that each of these men perceived their policy options to be very limited. Substantial popular dissent would threaten the power of their executive office and ultimately their political grasp of it. This explained both presidents deep disdain for the antiwar movement.

However, Johnson and Nixon's dislike of the movement did not prevent them from being somewhat constrained by it. Johnson did not call up the reserves out of fear of exacerbating domestic division. Nixon's plan to Vietnamize the war was a result of domestic dissent regarding the war. The authors further argued that, even President Ford's attempt to prop up Saigon as the North drove on the South, was halted by a Congress responding to public sentiment and blocking funding for such a move. The
antiwar movement was seen by the authors as contributing to this change in Congress through its efforts in electoral politics and protest.

An interesting point by the authors was that while protest encouraged eventual Congressional action, it also encouraged both leaders to overextend themselves. The Johnson Administration and military leaders made extravagant claims about the war to thwart protest. As the public became aware of these prevarications and the Tet offensive seemed to support the notion the war was not going well, further disillusionment set in. This happened in spite of the fact that the Viet Cong was eviscerated in the offensive leading to North Vietnamese Regular Army (NVA) being sent South as the war continued. The folly of misleading the American public and having them find out about it becomes abundantly clear here. The illusion may help the effort initially, but in the long run, it damages the effort more than it aids it. This is a principle of political leadership with abundant historical examples and one that is a necessary condition for effective government.

Another striking observation that was not elaborated upon satisfactorily was, opinion polls indicated the public felt the protestors were inane and responsible for prolonging the war. However, these same polls indicated that communist triumph in Vietnam was preferable to an open ended war and the war was too costly. Therefore, not only was there a schism between those for continuing the war and the movement, there seemed to be a division in the minds of the majority which added to the difficulty in leading the nation out of the morass.

Further commentary and scholarship on the reasons for the capricious nature of public support for armed conflict could be beneficial for developing leadership principles. Once the public commits to a conflict but then sees its real human cost exceeds expectations, it naturally withdraws support. Therefore, the accuracy of that initial calculation of cost is imperative because of the natural proclivity of humans to dislike even the appearance of being lied to.

The opinion ofthe political leadership and the public was a creature that evolved. An opinion that evolved as the arduous reality ofthe war literally came home in the form of war veteran reporting of it, the disclosure of the Pentagon Papers and division within President Johnson's cabinet over the war. The book further postulates that as the public
became aware of discomfort within the executive and legislative leadership over the war, public confidence in the endeavor waned. These arguments were supported by opinion polls and historical research which garnered information regarding leadership decision making on the war.

The book then states that, perhaps organized protest led to a ground swell in public opinion that infiltrated the political process. Rather than converting the public to its antiwar views, the movement pushed the political leadership to change course. An effect that was only possible because of protest. The authors hypothesized that the involvement of a multitude of social reform groups both helped and hurt the movement. The damage was manifested in the split within the movement between liberals and radicals over the war. The liberals had many of the social reform group members who had worked for Civil Rights. They advocated the same
strategy utilized in the civil rights battle; public education and the consequent influence this would have on electoral action to end the conflict.

The radical element saw the opposition to the war as part of a counter-revolution against capitalism, its focus on self-interest and, an essential part of the quest for domestic and international social justice. Thus the two factions agreed on ending the war and the need for social justice but the liberals wanted to utilize the political system in place while radicals, perhaps ironically, wanted to destroy it in order to save it. Antiwar liberals saw the war as a policy-choice issue. Antiwar radicals saw protest as a means toward revolutionary social change. The liberals wanted to de-escalate and then end U.S. military involvement. The radicals challenged intervention in order to change the distribution of power and wealth in America.

The book observed that wars encourage conformity and conservatism but Vietnam was different because of the liberalization of popular culture; a challenge to the status quo and conventional beliefs. However, what some individuals see as healthy liberalism grounded in the nation's founding father's example of it, others saw as disintegration and moral decadence. This reader believes that the lack of a clear moral imperative for the war in the sense that our nation's soil was not attacked as it was in World War Two, contributed mightily to public ambivalence about the war. As George Washington pondered the Revolutionary War, he said "I do not mean to exclude altogether the idea of Patriotism ..... But a great and lasting war can never be supported on this principle alone. It must be aided by the prospect of Interest or some reward."The willingness of the public to "conform" to the war effort must be linked to a collective interest in its outcome with a clear connection to a victory resulting in positive change in the nation's collective condition. This is not meant to denigrate or contradict the author's argument regarding the effect of cultural liberalization. It is meant to augment it.

The authors noted that the antiwar movement argued that their dissent was the highest form of patriotism. The antiwar movement displayed before the American public the choice of defeat with dignity for the decade of 1965-1975. They called for the nation with the most powerful military in the world to accept failure and thus antagonized much of the public. The historical parallels to the contemporary Iraq conflict are troubling. The authors conclude by saying the antiwar movement was the largest domestic assembly of opposition to armed conflict ever assembled in history. The political significance of the movement was to relentlessly display the choice of ending U.S. involvement in the conflict and made the war the issue of the day for foreign policy and national identity.

This reader believes that dissent ultimately aids the search for truth more than it confuses or obfuscates it. If a policy cannot withstand the rigors of honest disagreement, its validity and moral imperative probably does not exist. If the proponents of a policy seek suppression of dissent, a suspicion of the intellectual honesty of their argument grows in a functional democracy. A successful search for truth can ultimately end in change. However, this process can be agonizingly slow. The search for the truth that the Vietnam War was going to entail much more effort than originally perceived was aided by antiwar dissent and made into a political policy reality in 1975.

Recommended reading for anyone interested in American history, counter-culture history.

The ultimate antiwar movement study
This book has been an absolute bible to me in my study of the Antiwar Movement of the Vietnam Era.For anybody studying this period of history, it is of intrinsic value.It details every aspect of the antiwar movement, the cause and consequence of it and lots of other relevant material.Nearly every other modern study of this nature draws a lot from this book.Although DeBenedetti's untimely death leaves the book with a rather ragged finish, its objective analysis is perfect for any historian or student wishing to study the antiwar movement in depth. ... Read more

Book Description
Although the 2004 Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to a Kenyan environmentalist, few have considered whether environmental conservation can contribute to peace-building in conflict zones. Peace Parks explores this question, examining the ways in which environmental cooperation in multijurisdictional conservation areas may help resolve political and territorial conflicts. Its analyses and case studies of transboundary peace parks focus on how the sharing of physical space and management responsibilities can build and sustain peace among countries. The book examines the roles played by governments, the military, civil society, scientists, and conservationists, and their effects on both the ecological management and the potential for peace-building in these areas.

Following a historical and theoretical overview that explores economic, political, and social theories that support the concept of peace parks, and discussion of bioregional management for science and economic development, the book presents case studies of existing parks and proposals for future parks. After describing such real-life examples as the Selous-Niassa Wildlife Corridor in Africa and the Emerald Triangle conservation zone in Indochina, the book looks to the future, exploring the peace-building potential of envisioned parks in security-intensive spots including the U.S.-Mexican border, the demilitarized zone between North and South Korea, and the Mesopotamian marshlands between Iraq and Iran. With contributors from a variety of disciplines and diverse geographic regions, Peace Parks is not only a groundbreaking book in International Relations but a valuable resource for policy makers and environmentalists.

Contributors:
Dramé-Yayé Aissetou, Saleem H. Ali, Rolf D. Baldus, Charles Besançon, Kent Biringer, Arthur G. Blundell, Niger Diallo Daouda Boubacar, K. C. (Nanda) Cariappa, Charles Chester, Tyler Christie, Sarah Dickinson DeLeon, Bill Dolan, Rosaleen Duffy, Christina Ellis, Wayne Freimund, Stephan Fuller, Rudolf Hahn, Anne Hammill, Bruce Hayden, Ke Chung Kim, Juliette Biao Koudenoukpo, Jason Lambacher, Raul Lejano, Maano Ramutsindela, Michael Schoon, Belinda Sifford, Anna Spenceley, Michelle L. Stevens, Randy Tanner, Yongyut Trisurat, and Michele Zebich-Knos ... Read more

Customer Reviews (2)

Eye-Opening, Comprehensive Take On Conservation as Conflict Resolution
This is a fantastic resource for anyone interested in saving the world and the planet at the same time. If that distinction makes no sense, read this book. Never before did I realize the degree to which environmental concerns can influence, and always have influenced, international affairs; and the degree to which the environment has suffered indirectly (or directly) due to conflict. A must-read for anyone on the progressive edge of either conflict management, conservation or environmental studies.

Conserving the environment makes peace
Peace Parks, Conservation and Conflict Resolution, edited by Saleem H. Ali, explores what was called Environmental Peacemaking in a 2003 anthology of that name, edited by Ken Conca and Geoffrey D. Dabelko.

Ali opens this collection of scholarly essays with an introduction that defines "peace parks" as environment conservation zones "that can play an instrumental role in peacemaking or sustaining amity between communities" (p. 1) especially transboundary protected areas. The World Conservation Union lists 188 transboundary protected areas around the world. The first peace park was Waterton-Glacier International Peace Park, established in 1932. Rotarians on both sides of the United States-Canada border had promoted the creation of this international peace park. Since the United States and Canada have maintained friendly relations, Ali calls the establishment of this first peace park a "symbolic" gesture (p. 2). But the two nations cooperate in managing the natural and cultural resources of the international park, and Ali admits that such peace parks can "provide some insights in terms of how cooperation can be sustained between amicable neighbors through environmental conservation" (p. 11).A case study of the park, later in the book, shows a history of effective cooperation in function, like interpretation and public safety, and resiliency despite the United States increasing border security within the international park in recent years.

The case of Ecuador and Peru deserves special consideration, according to Ali, because "it was the first formal effort in which conservation groups were actively involved in international conflict resolution" (p. 9)A border dispute decades old erupted briefly in 1995 in armed conflict. Prodded by Conservation International and other conservation groups, the two countries agreed to peace, to a designated international border, and to conserve the area on both sides of the new border. Indigenous Chimu communities joined the discussions that led to adoption of a bioregional conservation plan and, in 2004, binational recognition of the Condor -Kutuku conservation corridor. Yet this is not the subject of any case study in the book.

Ali asks, is there a natural connection between ecology and peace?He answers his own question, yes. Environmental concerns can be the common grounds that give conflicting parties reason to cooperate, even if their conflict is not over environmental resources.

Peace Parks is divided into eighteen chapters, written by a total of thirty-one authors and organized into three sections. In the first section five chapters address theoretical and policy aspects of Environmental Peace-Building. Another five chapters appear in the second section on existing Transboundary Conservation in Action. The third section on proposed Peace Parks and Regional Governance Regimes has eight chapters, including Ali's conclusion. In addition to academicians, the authors include park rangers, consultants, and employees of government agencies (like the German Development Agency) and non-governmental organizations (like the World Conservation Union).

Among the case studies of existing peace parks are Selous-Siassa Wildlife Corridor and "W" International Peace Park in Africa; the Emerald Triangle conservation zone in Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia; Antarctica; and Waterton-Glacier International Peace Park. Peace parks are proposed along the U.S.-Mexican border, in Liberia, for Korea's demilitarized corridor, in the Kashmir province, between Afghanistan and its neighbors, and even for the Mesopotamian marches in Iraq and Iran. Jason Lambacher, for example, reports on a possible Russo-Japanese peace park in the Kuril Islands, which have been the subject of conflict, albeit not armed, since the Soviet occupation of the islands at the end of World War II. Peace efforts in such cases of conflict, according to Ali, should be grounded in the "dilemma of common aversions," which "implies that harm to the environment is a mutually destructive outcome that rational actors in a conflict would wish to avoid" (p. 335).

In general, this book offers case studies, strategic guidance, practical advice, and idealism. "Since environment planning is inherently concerned with future outcomes of present decisions," says planner Ali (p. 335), "it tends to be less likely to be mired in historical grievances between communities that often tinge security discourse." ... Read more

Book Description
This new, updated and extensively revised edition of "Searching for Peace" is one of the first books to bridge the gap between peace and conflict studies, world order and globalization. Revealing deep structures and deep cultures of violence and finding in them the reasons for increasing violence and peacekeeping failures, it presents the lessons that can be learned from the TRANSCEND approach, adopted as a UN training guide. A critical and piercing analysis of the short-comings of conventional approaches to conflict resolution, realpolitik and worsening dynamics of global violence which, if not resolved, threaten even more catastrophic destruction in the future. The book maps the conditions and path to sustainable peace, and the challenge for peace by peaceful means. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (2)

combines theory with practice
"Searching for Peace: the Road to TRANSCEND" is an indispensable guide for "peaceworkers".It combines theory (e.g. "on the psychology of the TRANSCEND Approach") with concrete examples of 40 conflicts from around the world, based on 40 years of practical experience in helping conflict parties find nonviolent solutions. Instead of seeking to bring the conflict parties to the negotiating table from the beginning, which can often result in a stream of mutual accusations that exacerbates the conflict, this approach first holds extensive dialogues separately with each conflict party, to gain their trust and understand their grievances and fears, needs and desires.By presenting the parties with a richer repertoire of possible approaches, and by showing them how similar conflicts have been successfully solved elsewhere, this often helps them see a way out of a seemingly intractable situation in which they feel themselves trapped.Johan Galtung, who founded the academic discipline of peace research, and has always applied his insights to help people suffering from conflict, like a good doctor, has joined forces with Carl Jacobsen, Finn Tschudi and Kai Frithjof Brand-Jacobsen to share with us his rich experience.This book ought to be required reading for all international relations scholars, practitioners, policy-makers and peace activists.

combines theory with practice
"Searching for Peace: the Road to TRANSCEND" is an indispensable guide for "peaceworkers".It combines theory (e.g. "on the psychology of the TRANSCEND Approach") with concrete examples of 40 conflicts from around the world, based on 40 years of practical experience in helping conflict parties find nonviolent solutions. Instead of seeking to bring the conflict parties to the negotiating table from the beginning, which can often result in a stream of mutual accusations that exacerbates the conflict, this approach first holds extensive dialogues separately with each conflict party, to gain their trust and understand their grievances and fears, needs and desires.By presenting the parties with a richer repertoire of possible approaches, and by showing them how similar conflicts have been successfully solved elsewhere, this often helps them see a way out of a seemingly intractable situation in which they feel themselves trapped.Johan Galtung, who founded the academic discipline of peace research, and has always applied his insights to help people suffering from conflict, like a good doctor, has joined forces with Carl Jacobsen, Finn Tschudi and Kai Frithjof Brand-Jacobsen to share with us his rich experience.This book ought to be required reading for all international relations scholars, practitioners, policy-makers and peace activists. ... Read more